The Rally of Independents is not the one that saved Abdelilah Benkirane's government from collapse, although it did give it a push with a dose that circulated in the veins of the governmental majority after a long wait. Indeed, the commitment to democratic concord in fixing the status of the executive power and the maturity of the opposition factions which allowed it to catch its breath exceeded the calculations related to the toppling of the government and the staging of anticipated elections. Despite all the considerations linked to the prediction of the results of premature elections and whether they would produce the same map or witness the voters' selection of a new team, tolerance prevailed and the government was pulled away from the brink of the abyss. On one hand, this is due to the fact that the Justice and Development Party opened up to its opponent, the Rally of Independents, following fierce battles seen after the legislative elections in October 2011, while on the other, it is due to the fact that this openness was met with an even better one, as the liberal centrist party chose to put its hand in that of the Islamists. It would be too soon to know whether or not the ruling party has heeded the lessons of the failed alliance with the Istiqlal Party, which chose to return to the opposition. However, its coexistence with coercion might have forced it to replace its old glasses with new ones that are more open to others. As for its relinquishing of the Foreign Ministry portfolio, it does not appear to have been done just to meet the increasing demands of the Rally of Independents, but rather to tend to local files and issues that would grant it a political presence and help it win over the voters. It might have realized that the shocking loss of an electoral constituency in the suburbs of Fez is a negative sign, which is why its relinquishing of vital economic sectors in the new governmental version in favor of the Rally of Independents was understood as being an attempt to remedy to the bad management of the latter affairs. Hence, the Ministry of General Affairs and Governance, whose measures in the context of the so-called "indexation" system related to the state's subsidization of basic consumer products had provoked wide controversy, was surrendered to Minister Mohamed El Ouafa who dissented from Al-Istiqlal Party, in what points to an indirect implication by the withdrawn party that won in the Moulay Yacoub constituency. The extrapolation of the distribution of the posts in the new government formation does not affect all the areas of conflict and competition, considering that the prime minister was forced to please all three partners, i.e. the Rally of Independents, the Popular Movement and the Party of Progress and Socialism, settling for scoring one point in his favor by appointing independent technocrats in the Interior and Education ministries. Nevertheless, it does push us to believe that the prime minister and leader of the Justice and Development Party wanted to circumvent the repercussions of the Islamists' assumption to power, after it was faced with further criticism. And while other experiences hid behind monopolization and the disregarding of the transformations, the Moroccan party opened up to its political partners and shared the blame with them. This was induced by the wish to secure a parliamentary majority to prevent the toppling of its government through the withdrawal of confidence from it inside parliament. But in its deeper dimensions, this step aimed to reassure the remaining partners on the internal and external scenes about the so-called exceptional character of the Moroccan experience, which has started – through the ruling party – to distance itself from the remaining Islamic movement. The paradox at this level is that the fiercest criticisms to the government were not issued by the opposition, but rather by the ruling party's hawks who disagree with this direction. Furthermore, the transfer of the economic and commercial sectors to the Rally of Independents, which is said to be closer to the businessmen, might allow the resumption of dialogue with the local capital holders, while sustaining at the same time the government's commitments to the international financial institutions that subjected it to wide criticisms. And while Benkirane believes that the announcement of his new government constituted a renewal of the Palace's and parliamentary majority's vote of confidence, he is inclined to revive the climate which had prevailed when his party first reached the government. Hence, the wager is still on at the level of the implementation of new and calm reforms, without any tensions or settlement of scores. In form, the new government is raising questions about whether it represents a new political reality or a mere partial amendment. In the first case, this new formation should earn parliament's vote of confidence. But if we are in the presence of the second, then the Rally of Independents is in an awkward position, considering that it had voted against the government program and will now be forced to implement it. Therefore, the solution would be to choose a description that would not cause embarrassment to any side, and probably revolves around an amendment and restructuring rather than a new formation. At this level, just like the drafting of the first version of the executive power featured debates over whether it will be a caretaker government or a minority government, the same applies to its current status, but with less tension. And as long as the opposition - which is mainly concerned about this description - kept repeating it did not wish to topple the government, but rather to ensure the success of the experience, many issues will be left up for debate with the launching of the new legislative term. The opposition's ranks are now complete with the accession of the Istiqlal Party and the government has secured its majority with the accession of the Rally of Independents. Now, the widest space for the confirmation of the exception is the conflict beneath Parliament's dome.
