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Morocco: The Characteristics of The Governmental Crisis
Published in AL HAYAT on 17 - 09 - 2013

The governmental crisis in Morocco is like no other, and what further complicates it is that no one wants to reproduce the Egyptian or Tunisian experience, to the point where coexistence with the crisis has become a phenomenon. More than four months after the resignation of the ministers of the Istiqlal Party, who are now settling for carrying out caretaking tasks, Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane called on them to proceed with their work, without closing the door before his obstructed consultations with the expected ally, i.e. the National Rally of Independents.
Every time the chances of seeing a second version of the government are weakened, the prime minister threatens to continue with a minority government as long as the opposition parties pledged not to topple it by withdrawing their confidence. What is certain however is that Benkirane wishes to turn this situation into a point of strength to impose his conditions on the National Rally of Independents that wants more than a cabinet reshuffle, knowing that its leaders reiterated they did not want to be a mere spare tire for the governmental cart that has stopped halfway. Still, just like the remaining opposition parties, the Rally of Independents does not want to turn the table, because its withdrawal from the consultations would not only mean its return to the opposition, but also the strengthening of a possible direction to exert pressures and topple the government.
During Moroccan Monarch King Mohamed VI's meeting with the prime minister, no official statement was issued. In addition, the news tackling the meeting was somewhat implicit, saying that Mohamed VI distanced himself from the course of the consultations, considering they were part of the prime minister's prerogatives.
And as long as the Palace asked the resigned ministers to proceed with their caretaking tasks, it is unclear why the prime minister repeated that same request which is a given, unless Benkirane wanted to use this extraordinary situation as a pressure card to impose conditions on the Rally of Independents.
The flaw at this level is that the new constitution did not point to a consensual solution in the event of the collapse of the governmental coalition. It rather linked the departure of the executive power to its resignation or the withdrawal of confidence from it inside Parliament. And assuming that such outcomes necessarily lead to the organization of anticipated elections, the constitution does not answer the most important question in case the prime minister faces difficulties in earning an overwhelming majority, while talking about democratic ratification through voting of the purpose of the program the government plans to implement.
There are political problems on the table surrounding the following issues among others: What will happen in case the Rally of Independents insists on reviewing the governmental program? Will the prime minister request parliament's confidence again, or will he settle for considering the accession of a new party as being a mere governmental appointment that does not affect the core of the Cabinet's commitments? This situation places the Rally of Independents in a difficult spot, especially since it voted against the governmental program currently being implemented. So how will it settle this contradiction?
Beyond the governmental crisis that can be contained by renewing its pillars, the situation in Morocco is prone to be affected by the regional developments. This is due to the fact that the Justice and Development Party – that has an Islamic orientation – perceived the monopolization of power in some countries of the so-called Arab spring by Islamic movements as being an indirect support for its own inclinations. And although it distanced itself from the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, its opponents do not perceive the situation from the same angle, maybe because they had been holding Benkirane's government accountable for its political and economic performance rather than its religious reference.
The predicament's regression into consultations over the government formation means that all the sides, whether the loyalists or the oppositionists, succumbed to the constitutional reference. And in the event of a new development, Benkirane will rush to show more openness towards his possible partner. However, he could disregard the situation to further embarrass his opponents into toppling his government before the end of its term. But no one wants to head towards this adventure - without completely excluding it – seeing how the 2011 elections will not be reproduced. This is due to the fact that a lot has of water has passed under the bridges of the Arab spring countries and Morocco is still wagering on the fact that it was the exception.


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