The Moroccan opposition allowed Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane to work on the "second version" of the experience of having Islamists in power, and did not withdraw confidence from his government, although it had attained the legal quorum to do so. In addition, it did not call for demonstrations to urge this government to leave. It also intentionally kept an accurate balance between the majority and the opposition and left it up to the ballot boxes to determine its fate instead of twisting its arm. The agreement of the National Rally of Independents and the prime minister over the headlines, during the consultations launched, following the withdrawal of the Istiqlal Party ministers, does not necessarily mean the end of the disputes. However, it does pave the way for the opening of a new page between the two parties. In the meantime, Benkirane does not want to repeat the mistakes that led to the severance of the relations with the Istiqlal Party, i.e. his former partner in the coalition, while Salaheddine Mezouar wishes to benefit from the experience and impose his vision on the ruling party, through a concord that would free the leaders of both sides and spare the country from yet another economic crisis. Based on the developments, the political controversy seems to be revolving around the administration mechanisms and not the religious reference, which could make the Justice and Development Party think it is targeted, as it happened in Egypt or is currently brewing in Tunisia. It was no surprise that the opposition Socialist Union announced that it is blaming the government for its incapability, in reference to the core of the disputes that took political, economic and social dimensions, without a religious background. While the Egyptian experience led to the ousting of the Muslim Brotherhood leaders from power, the Moroccan opposition insisted on their stay in the government, to the point that the prime minister had no choice but to announce that he could continue with a minority government. It seems that Morocco intends to benefit from the regional situation, considering that its Islamists have already started to hint to the fact that they have nothing to do with the Muslim Brotherhood organization and do not share the same convictions as its leaders. After it was believed that the victory of any Islamic movement would constitute a victory to them, this transformed into some sort of self-criticism, while focusing on the specificity of the Moroccan experience. Moreover, after the prime minister had been threatening with the Arab spring that has not been extinguished, he became preoccupied with the fires lurking the Government House, was forced to stay in the direction of the winds, linking the government sustainment to the support of a parliamentary majority - regardless of the sides composing it - as long as it supports the government, which has not yet completed its second year in power. A stage has ended and another has started. When the Socialist Union Party, in particular, says that it is opposed to the culture of the management of public affairs by the ruling party, it brings back to mind its previous move from the opposition to the government. Also, because its wager provoked fears surrounding the possible imposition of its political influence from inside the Executive power after it imposed it on the street as an opposition party, it wishes to say that the authority is teaching the opposition a lot of things and that the Justice and Development Party's mission is to draw lessons. The Socialist Union's appeasement of all the fears the day it supported the amendment of the 1996 constitution, after it opposed the various consecutive ones, marked a crucial precedent, while the same could be said about the Justice and Development Party's self distancing from the street during the February 20 Movement demonstrations. However, the display of good intentions towards political experiences is not enough, in the presence of deadlines requiring effective management rather than speeches of appeasement. The problem of the ruling party is that it has not yet overcome the ecstasy of the 2011 victory, which is why the card of anticipated elections is brandished every once in a while. This time around, the National Rally of Independents did not neglect to recognize that the consultations were still at their beginning and that the idea of going back to the ballot boxes was not completely excluded, knowing that this agreement could push the ruling party to accept concessions it never even considered. Nevertheless, the public is not awaiting the toppling of the government or the announcement of the dates of the coming events, but rather expecting answers to alarming questions related to the improvement of the living conditions and the respect of electoral and governmental pledges, which now appear to be much greater than the ability of those who made them to implement them. Besides, in case the prime minister's second government is formed and if it announces – as predicted – a new increase in the prices of petroleum derivatives, this would not be a good omen, at a time when the people's patience has run out to say the least. Still, another crisis looming in the horizon has to do with faltering trust, after the prime minister stated many times that the Moroccans had difficult days ahead. Indeed, they coexisted for a few months with a quasi-paralyzed government, due to the loss of the majority, and it would be interesting to observe their coexistence with a government enjoying full quorum, but unable to do anything but tinker the prices, knowing that such measures are bound to affect the voters' inclinations. Will the government withdraw its own confidence before it is withdrawn by others? It is just a question.
