Some negative events could have a positive impact. At the very least, the case of the pardon which included Spanish national Daniel Galvan occupied a large portion of the political, legal and moral debates, thus making the Moroccans forget about the exciting series of the formation of Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane's second Cabinet. Consequently, the parties involved in the consultations, especially the Islamic Justice and Development Party, the National Rally of Independents and even the Constitutional Union, can discuss the more complex issues far away from the spotlight. What happened is that the objections which were voiced by this or that party - reaching the point of drawing red lines over any possible alliance and middle ground solutions - dissipated due to a force majeure. Indeed, the Islamic Party had no choice but to offer concessions to its former opponent to turn the table and call for anticipated elections. It thus opted for the least costly option on the political level and headed towards negotiations with yesterday's enemies. As for the National Rally of Independents, it found itself outside the circle of alliances, especially since the Independence Party that withdrew from the government and the Socialist Union Party that chose the opposition camp are about to form a new alliance, similar to a Catholic marriage this time around. In the meantime, the Independents Party's relationship with the government is neither good nor bad. Therefore, it will try its luck and return to it, after it watched up-close how the alliance it established with the participation of eight parties collapsed and failed to get a parliamentary majority in the legislative elections. And in light of this situation, anything becomes possible. On the other hand, the Justice and Development Party led by the prime minister realized that the circumstances do not allow introversion and the closing of the door, especially since the withdrawal of the Istiqlal Party ministers constituted a shock from which it has not yet recovered. In reality, it is monitoring the situation in the countries of the so-called Arab spring, while placing its hand on its heart and hoping that the plague will not reach it. This is particularly due to the fact that some slogans calling on it to leave have already surfaced, at a time when it was ecstatic about its status as the first Islamic party to lead the government in Morocco, while raising the slogan of war against corruption and tyranny - although it replaced it with one related to "reform in light of stability." And what is mostly alarming to it is that the Tunisian street is about to see some of its dignitaries turning against the ruling Ennahda movement. Between the Egyptian and Tunisian cases, Morocco is in the middle, helped by the fact that it is not facing constitutional or political vacuum during the transitional phase and that the thorough preparations to establish some sort of anticipation mechanism allowed the Moroccans to deal with their contradictions and conflicts under the ceiling of dialogue. And what is constant at this level is that Abdelilah Benkirane's bending before the storm showed further flexibility, considering that through his openness towards dignitaries which he used to harshly criticize, he addressed a message saying that he does not want to monopolize power and that his leading position in the previous legislative elections does not necessarily mean the annulment of the others' participation. The Rally of Independents Party on the other hand believes there is an opportunity to overpower its archenemy, which came knocking on its door. However, it does not wish to repeat the Istiqlal Party's experience, considering that it is not only negotiating over seats in the upcoming government, but also over a greater political role. And this situation would never have been available to it, had it not been for the major gap provoked by the withdrawal of the Istiqlal ally. Still, the problem facing Benkirane's government is not limited to ensuring a parliamentary majority. It affects the respect of pledges he had made when he came to power. Indeed, after the people were counting on him to implement a large agenda of promises featuring the increase of the minimum wage, the introduction of drastic reforms at the level of the management of public affairs to give hope to the unemployed graduates carrying degrees and the improvement of the living conditions, his party's main concern became limited to the management of the political moment and the dangerous implementation of structural reforms, at the head of which is the amendment of the subsidy and pension system. This is due to the fact that the International Monetary Fund is exerting pressures to prevent the recanting of the cuts of subsidies offered by the state that affect basic products such as oil, sugar, flour and the derivatives of petroleum products. And while the Islamic party wishes to benefit from the experience of the Rally of Independents, since its leader Salaheddine Mezouar was a finance and economy minister in the previous governments, it wants to hit two birds with one stone. On one hand, it is pushing the governmental cart away from the crisis in which it has been still standing, while on the other, it is flirting with the international monetary institutions which believed that the previous governments acted as acceptable and understanding interlocutors. But the message picked up by the prime minister and his current and potential partners included the recognition by Moroccan Monarch King Mohammed VI of the fact that the previous governments accomplished corrective programs that improved the economic situation in the country. The problem is that his former ally, Hamid Chabat, reiterated on numerous occasions that the current government was here to last, but no one was paying any attention to him until the current crises pushed towards reading the messages again. And there is nothing like a refined, balanced and ambitious continuity capable of changing many negative aspects.
