Have the revolution's dreams collapsed? Or were they lost in the rubble of freedoms and the wreckage of hopes? An Egyptian oppositionist was disgruntled as he listened to the slogans demanding the toppling of the “rule of the Guide" (in reference to the Muslim Brotherhood), surprised by the refusal to emulate the experience of the Guide's regime in Iran, which “led it to the rank of a nuclear state and allowed it to defy America." He then enumerated the requirements of a strong authority, before which freedoms are secondary and prohibited, for no other purpose but the protection of the stability of wise governance. Indeed, was it not elected via the ballot boxes? Was it not chosen by the people following the revolution against tyranny? Another liberal tackled the besieging of the Constitutional Court building in Cairo by the supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, comparing the situation in Egypt following the January 25 spring and the situation in Tunisia two years after the Jasmine Revolution. And despite the different facts and details, he enumerated the facets of the “fraternity" and the setbacks, which might require a lot of time to be overcome. Following the revolution led by Al-Khomeibni in Iran, was blood not shed and did big heads not fall? But the Arab spring has its specificities, just like the Arab tyrants had theirs. And whoever takes a look at the regime of the Guide in Tunisia (the Ennahda movement) now, and the authority of the Guide in Egypt, and whoever hears the slogans of the Egyptian opposition against the new tyranny and watches Tunisian President Al-Moncef al-Marzouki among the angry and their stones in Sidi Bouzid, can realize that the disappointment following the spring is much more bitter than the autumn of oppression and poverty. And the size of the disappointment equals that of the question: how much will it cost to avoid the undermining of the revolution? Double the price of the toppling of Mubarak and Ben Ali. With a Guide that is not hiding in the region behind Vileyat e-Faqih, but rather behind thugs and militias which the opposition believes their weapons are fabrications and accusations of treason and infidelity, Egypt is converging with Tunisia and the “cleansing" predicament is becoming the altar of the revolution, and not sparing any administration, media or judiciary, and not differentiating between men and women. Is this not the epitome of equality? As for Egyptian President Muhammad Morsi, who was pushed by electoral legitimacy to hasten the clash with revolutionary legitimacy and quickly launch the building of the state as it is wanted by the MB, he probably cannot account for those who have the authority to end the siege imposed on the Supreme Constitutional Court, and prefers not to answer when asked about the difference between those besieging the Court and those practicing thuggery, tyranny and oppression, annulling the voice of the other or even his life, if mobilization is proclaimed among the supporters in order to “protect the revolution!" When the revolutionaries become the revolution's opponents to ensure its protection, the Arabs, wherever they are, can realize that Egypt's current situation is heralding the eruption of a volcano which could swallow the spring, its fathers and sons, as long as Morsi is not revealing the identity of these mysterious creatures that are threatening the establishment of the legitimate institution, and pushing towards the adoption of an urgent constitution, a crowned president, an obeyed guide and million-man marches that applaud and do not bother the palace or the entourage. Will the Arabs show exceptional courage and cause the fall of the regimes of tyranny, knowing they are unable to build hope through the establishment of institutions without monopolization, arrogance or quotas? Prior to the spring, the equation was to have a peaceful president, a silent citizen and a large prison. But when a street stood against another, everyone became preoccupied with mobilization for the challenge, in order to “protect the revolution" at the expense of obstructing the economy, making the poor much poorer, increasing the frustration of the disappointed and heightening the obstinacy of the hardliners, thus eliminating any hope of imposing plurality. And while awaiting the exposure of the identity of these mysterious beings that are lurking behind the January 25 revolution, increasing Morsi's puzzlement and confusion vis-à-vis those who are unable to understand his intentions, and the uncovering of the medicine by the Ennahda government, after it took two years to diagnose the illness, Muhammad al-Baradei will find millions of Egyptians complaining as he is because the “MB is not any different than Mubarak." In addition, thousands of poor like Mohamed Bouazizi will emerge and will be unable to find in Al-Marzouki's recognition of the fact that he does not hold a magic wand, a reply that rises to the level of the concerns of the citizens over their drowning in frustration and despair. Over there, Ennahda, which jumped to power based on electoral legitimacy, did not present a model that would distance it from the suspicions surrounding its preparation for a long-term rule, as opposed to what was sought by the revolutionaries. Over there, the priorities are toppled, thus rendering “cleansing" more important than bread, and the loyalty of the institutions more important than the requirements of development. Two years and one spring. So let us wait for the end of the conflict between the new leaders and the odd creatures they are using as a pretext to encourage patience at the expense of freedom and bread.
