Those concerned and frustrated about the status of the Arab spring, are being reassured by the West which is telling them that the production of some of its' democracies required a century, and that the red lines controlling the permanent spring standards were three, one of which is masculine, the other feminine and the third in between. Those concerned about the fate of Syria, its people and unity, are reassured by the leader who is telling them that those who are killing the demonstrators are certainly insane. So can there be so many insane people in Syria, seeing how their victims are by the thousands?! The chapters of the Arab spring are unfolding in Yemen, in parallel to the shock generated by the blood flow and the hatred felt toward those who have become addicted to lying, to the point of believing their own lies and sacrificing hundreds of youth to achieve victory over the so-called Zionist conspiracy. The spring is ongoing, the empires of lies and their prisons are collapsing and the militias' insanity in republics hijacked by the military is escalating, to the extent that their barracks have become those of “invisible” armies guarding none but the alliance of oppression and corruption. As for the red lines on which the West is biting with its teeth to protect the spring of the Arabs, they are defined by President Nicolas Sarkozy as being related to equality between men and women, multiple opinions and the Internet space. So will this dissipate the concerns of those worried about the staggering, transformations or surprises of the revolutions and the uprisings? The first thing the president is forgetting is that the democracies of the West would not have been able to protect their institutions had it not been for the distancing of the Church's control from politics, i.e. had it not been for the separation between religion and power. Sarkozy is also disregarding the fact that the cloak of the Arab democracies stemming from the spring is not concealing the realities of orphan societies whose bases oscillate between consumption, reliance and crying over the past. In the meantime, the authorities are continuing to skillfully carry out the brain drain, while the parish - which has become addicted to unlimited patience - definitely contributed to the extension of the term of oppression, slaughterers and the insane. Let us pretend to be naïve to the point of believing that the Egyptians relinquished their dignity throughout more than thirty years for a loaf of bread, and that only this bread released the January 25 giant. Would any man accuse an entire population of relinquishing its dignity to serve its stomach, unless he is insane? And far away from Sarkozy's simplification of the price of the storms or the aftershocks of the Arab spring earthquake, even far away from optimism toward reaping the fruits of our revolutionary democracies within a hundred years, some among the frustrated and wise people are comparing between the rise of the civil state in the West to protect freedoms, democracy and social equality, and the rise of the religious tide and the star of the Islamic movements throughout the Arab revolutions, to add yet another reason for pessimism. In reality, the experiences of most of these movements are only fueling the fear over the emergence of a trend based on exclusion and monopolization of power through this spring. While Muhammad al-Baradei's call upon the liberals in Egypt to show patience and absorb the shock - after the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis earned the largest percentage of the votes during the first round of the elections – conveyed a call to wager on the failure of the Islamists in power, the main reality lies in the choice of the street and the MB's ability to resist the possession of power, as though it were a bank account belonging to the group solely. What is mostly important is seeing a realistic program of governance, which respects dialogue and dissipates the confusion affecting political Islam, the concerns of the Copts, the worries of the youth of seeing the demands of the revolution coalition dissolved and the street's concerns toward a struggle with the Salafis which will topple all hopes of stability. Those frustrated with the Arab spring are comparing the situation of the MB with the Salafis in Egypt to the problem of the Ennahda party in Tunisia with its Salafis, as the latter will exploit the management of the country by an Islamic party to embarrass the institutions into embracing their inclinations and granting them legitimacy. Hence they are provoking the fears of the secular, some of whom are daring to wonder whether the revolution will instate a dictatorship of extremism instead of the dictatorship of corruption. In Tunisia, the clashes with the extremists are moving to the streets and universities (over the Niqab and women's rights). In the post-revolutionary Egypt on the other hand, not many believe there is justification for the condemnation of the rise of the MB with the voters' will, but the predicament lies in testing their ability to manage a country and its institutions without succumbing to the hardliner's inclinations whenever the Salafis corner them with a test of their faith. Between the secularization and giving politics a religious aspect is another transitional phase in the spring of the Arab revolutions, which ought to bring back to mind Sarkozy's advice to show patience over transformations which might take a hundred years.
