This is not the first time the suggestion to form a “civilian presidential council" emerges to the forefront in Egypt, and becomes a demand raised by those gathered in Tahrir Square and other Egyptian public squares. Ever since the Revolution erupted, the demand has seemed to reflect the desire for consensus among political and revolutionary forces, and to express fears of a particular faction monopolizing power – in seeking to avoid the reactions of other forces against any new Egyptian president that would prevent him from exercising his function. I personally do not expect for the idea to come to fruition, not just because the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) – the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, which has nominated a candidate who has become very close to the presidential seat – opposes it, but also because what has been most harmful to the Egyptian Revolution and has produced negative results on the ground is the fragmentation, dispersion and scattering that afflicted revolutionary forces immediately after Mubarak's resignation, as well as the division of the political scene between Islamists – whether affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood or Salafists, or even independents – and secular forces that have come to see in the Islamists the greatest threat after the “remnants" of the former regime. And while the Islamists have become united over specific goals or particular stances, secular forces have remained as they were – which has contributed to increasing their weakness and their inability to confront the conspiracies of the remnants of the former regime and the ambitions of the forces of political Islam. Even if an agreement were to be reached on the issue of a “civilian presidential council", all indications certify that it would not represent a solution, and that it may become the start of a struggle between those party to it, who from the onset did not deny their own prominent figures and insisted on competing in the first round of the presidential elections individually – with all of them consequently failing to reach first or second place in the race. They now come to demand a “civilian presidential council" so as to prevent a Muslim Brotherhood monopoly of rule in Egypt or the return of the former regime. On the whole, the Muslim Brotherhood's insistence on moving forward on the path of the presidential elections undermines the idea and does away with it. Yet there remains for prominent names such as Hamdeen Sabahi and Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh the opportunity to wage another presidential race at another time, one that might be quite near or even on the date that will be set by the new constitution. In view of what happened on the ground during the year and a half since the Revolution began, it appears that Sabahi would win if he were to work within a team he would select himself, as he did to a surprising degree in his presidential campaign, even if entering within a presidential team would not guarantee him the same extent of success, in view of the ambitions of other parties to the council. More dangerous is the fact that the failure of this experiment would make Egypt miss the opportunity to invest in figures fit to lead the country from the position of President if they were to “burn themselves up" in their failure to save the country and put it back on its feet, within a presidential team for which there are so far no indications that the elements of success are available. Does this mean that one should just give up and accept to head to the ballot boxes to choose between Doctor Mohamed Morsi and Marshal Ahmed Shafik?!! Of course that is one of the choices available, and one that will be backed by Morsi and Shafik's supporters, as well as by some of those who voted in the first round in favor of other candidates. Yet there remain other choices, as seen by those who hold them, and they are the masses of the people, who reject the suggestions that are being forced on them, which may start out as fantastic or attractive, but then end up as lies at a later stage. It is true that the verdicts issued in the case of Mubarak, his two sons, his Interior Minister and the latter's aides seem as if they have united the country's political forces, but the fact of the matter is that the contradictions have remained as they were. Suffice it to point out here that the Pledge Document, which was drafted via prominent political figures to be presented to the Muslim Brotherhood candidate in order to obtain guarantees from him that would reassure secular forces, has been rejected by the Muslim Brotherhood and been seen as provocation, while it has been accepted by Marshal Shafik, thus placing the parties “hostile" to him before a new challenge that will increase their division... and provide him with reasons to win!!
