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Egypt's Fire
Published in AL HAYAT on 15 - 08 - 2013

Egypt on the day of the great fire is filled with bloodshed and burned corpses in the Cairo of Al-Moez, where the blood of officers, soldiers, and protesters are mixed with that of the Muslim Brotherhood and where sparks are moving as violently as a tornado between the provinces. As usual, the Copts were provoked by the burning of churches in Upper Egypt, which was said to have been conducted in retaliation for the scattering of the MB sit-ins on Rabiaa Adawiya and Renaissance Squares at the heart of the Egyptian capital. And also as is usual in incidents and clashes which followed the January 25 revolution, the army is being targeted with live bullets. On the day of fire and blood yesterday, i.e. on which the sit-ins were scattered, estimates about the numbers of victims and injured varied by the hundreds between the authority's statements and those of the MB.
The government is holding the MB leaders responsible for the killings on both squares, while the group is holding the army responsible. As for the remaining parties and movements, including the April 6 Movement, they are accusing the army, police, and MB.
In the meantime, the Gamaa Islamiya is threatening with a third revolution after the massacres that followed the Eid holiday, which was squandered by the Muslim Brotherhood, insisting until a few hours before the dawn of the catastrophe on the reinstatement of the legitimacy of former President Mohamed Morsi as a condition for any compromise and dialogue. What is odd is that the group did not realize –at least as apparently revealed by its leaders' statements – that this condition is impossible to meet, as it would simply lead to one thing: Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Abdul Fattah el-Sissi, interim President Adly Mansour, and interim Prime Minister Hazem al-Beblawi's relinquishing of their roles and their surrender to the Muslim Brotherhood!
The question at this level is the following: Did this group disregard the meaning of the authority's declaration on the eve of the Eid regarding the failure of all the international (American, European and Arab) efforts to settle the crisis/predicament besieging Egypt, its citizens, army, parties and groups since Morsi's toppling? Is it insisting on its failure to read into the positions of the new transitional authority, especially El-Sissi's refuge behind the popular assignment granted to him to face "violence and terrorism" and his mobilization of the crowds opposing the MB sit-ins?
It is likely that the MB and the supporters of the former president wagered on the authority's retreat until the last moment, or even what they perceived as being reluctance due to fears surrounding the hefty cost on the street. But what is certain is that the interim ruling troika (i.e. El-Sissi, Mansour and Al-Beblawi) that came together to defend the status of the state and deter the threats facing national security, chose to overcome the MB's besieging of the authority on the street to frighten it with the card of violence and blood, at a time when the extremists and fundamentalists among Sinai's groups are besieging it every day with the terrorism card.
And far away from the speculations surrounding the role of the fifth columns that are trying to fuel sectarianism or strife between the citizens among Morsi's supporters and detractors a few hours before the eruption of the great fire in Egypt, did the latter supporters leave the army and the security forces any other option before the expansion of the bloody clashes and the imposition of the state of emergency?
It would not be in defense of the army to say that no one – whether domestically or abroad – detected a real intention by the Muslim Brotherhood to find a solution that would spare the country from killing and destruction, knowing that the roadmap does not exclude the group from political action. On the other hand, it is clear that the remaining parties and forces which rejoiced over Morsi's toppling did not bother to participate in ensuring the right circumstances for dialogue or encouraging the MB to participate in it. Some of them are even accused of having carried out a demonization campaign against the MB, which fueled the hatred towards its supporters on the street and widened the trenches of suspicion and confrontation.
And while dialogue was wanted by all sides prior to the great fire, will it take place in light of the condition related to the return of the symbol of a previous era to power, i.e. through a coup against a coup being deterred by the group with what it considers to be martyrdom?
On the other hand, there is nothing new about the Qatari position that is practically opposed to the transitional authority's handling of the MB, and it was no surprise that Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan condemned what he dubbed a massacre. What raises suspicions however is Iran's denunciation of the "killing of the citizens" and the "massacre" on Rabiaa Adawiya and Renaissance Squares, at a time when Tehran is not budging at the level of its defense of the steadfastness of the Syrian regime, its justification of its war, and its restriction of the Syrian people's revolution to "terrorist groups" despite the death of more than 100,000 people.
What is even more suspicious is Tehran's insistence on the possible eruption of civil war between the Egyptians in the great Muslim country, as though it will occur tomorrow.
Regardless of foreign interests, what is certain is that the Egyptians have all failed so far in the power experience following the revolution against the dictator, but also in trying out dialogue as a method and an approach at the level of political life to protect the country and the state. The disaster would be to see the fire scene turn into a daily occurrence in the fight over power – in the name of legitimacy – and in protecting one's opinion with blood to incriminate the other party.


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