There are initiatives put forward to work through the Egyptian crisis or look for solutions to it, which include among their clauses that of reinstating Mohamed Morsi as President, even if temporarily, until a referendum is held over his position or people's approval of him. Certainly, such initiatives are outdated, having been rendered obsolete by developments, and are not destined to succeed. This is not only because they usually originate from prominent figures associated with the Islamist movement, but also because the reality on the ground in Egypt clearly indicates that there will be no turning back the clock. The most that could be looked into are the bases of reconciliation that would not turn a blind eye to those who have committed crimes. And with the victims who fell and the blood that was shed, achieving such reconciliation also becomes doubtful – or even impossible at the present time. It seems clear that the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood have reached the conclusion that returning Morsi to the presidential seat by way of a thunderous popular movement and a revolution of the masses that would force all parties to reinstate him would be impossible. Indeed, the majority of people are not on their side, no matter how many times the Brotherhood and its supporters hold protests or march in support of the deposed president across the towns and neighborhoods of Cairo and some other cities. Indeed, every call to a gathering in support of Morsi's deposition and of the political roadmap laid out by the army has been met with positive responses and the presence of crowds much larger than the Brotherhood is able to gather. This has made the group lose the competitive feature it boasted of over all other political forces for decades. Today, the Muslim Brotherhood and its other Islamist supporters stand on one side; while on the other stand not a party, a group, a faction or even the army itself, but rather various segments of Egyptian society, across age groups and ideologies, and across social, political and economic classes. In other words, the scene in Egypt now indicates that the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies now stand in confrontation with the rest of the Egyptian people. Such a conclusion, which the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood seem to have been late to reach, explains those strange scenes and those astonishing speeches and expressions emanating from the Brotherhood's podium at the Rabia Al-Adawiyya Mosque where its protest is held, in which the leaders of the group call for help, begging and beseeching foreign intervention from any side, institution or foreign country, to protect them or to reinstate their president! All parties are asking the Muslim Brotherhood to end its protest at Rabia Al-Adawiyya, return to negotiations and move forward with the political process, but the Brotherhood is refusing to do so, and its most prominent figures are now making appearances on Al-Jazeera and elsewhere, appealing for help publicly, openly and constantly from any foreigners who would save them and return them to power! What is strange and surprising is that the leading figures of the Muslim Brotherhood are well aware of the fact that the Egyptian people would never accept a ruler that would be imposed on them from abroad, whether under the cover of legitimacy or the ballot boxes. The question thus springs to the forefront: how can the Brotherhood imagine that Morsi could return to rule those millions of people who have repeatedly come out to demand his deposition at one time, and demand that he be jailed at another? What is certainly true is that the return of the Muslim Brotherhood to the political scene in the coming phase to carve out a place for itself has become a doubtful matter. This is not just because the Brotherhood has refused to be part of the political roadmap laid out by the army. It is also because there are matters that render it highly unlikely or extremely difficult to be reintegrated and accepted by the remaining forces and state institutions, dealing with it in the logic of "water under the bridge". Such matters are namely the violence it has practiced and the victims who have fallen, even if some of them were themselves members of the Brotherhood, as well as the failure it found itself in during its time in power, in addition to the imprisonment of "its president", and perhaps its Supreme Guide and other prominent figures of the group. The Muslim Brotherhood has relied primarily on the stances taken by countries that do not approve of the army intervening to determine the course of government. Yet with the passing of time, it has appeared that those countries, and most prominently the United States, will at the end of the day follow their own interests, even if they could use the events in Egypt as reasons to blackmail the army or the interim government. The Muslim Brotherhood had imagined that Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan could offer it aid and assistance, and lead a movement in Europe and Asia and perhaps the world to besiege the new government in Egypt and exert pressure to return Morsi to the presidency and the Brotherhood to power. But Erdogan appeared to defend his own plans or those of the Brotherhood without defending principles connected to democracy or to freedoms (the crisis of Taksim Square still being fresh in people's minds), and this has made Turkey's official stance insufficient to support Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood in its battle against... the Egyptian people!
