The Muslim Brotherhood has hijacked the Egyptian Revolution. It has come to power and has begun to be tested. It has made no changes to the policies of the regime it has replaced. It has been unable to meet the demands of the people. Such inability has not come as a result of its lack of experience, as US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said, but rather as the natural outcome of its historical development, and of its views on economics, sociology and politics. Indeed, it is a conservative movement that has stood against any attempt at reform, and the financial companies its members established in the name of religion have been nothing but instruments to rob the poor and small businesses, as witnessed by the scandals that were associated with these companies in the 1980s and 1990s. Protesters in Cairo have raised the slogan “Khairat El-Shater = Gamal Mubarak", as the former deludes people into believing that his behavior is “religious" and that he would return them to their lost historical paradise, while the latter deludes them into believing that he would bring them to the paradise of advanced capitalist states. Both work to impoverish them by adopting crony capitalism, provided that Shater gives them alms. Indeed, alms and charity are an essential part of the Muslim Brotherhood's simplistic ideology on economics. Through this ideology, and through their religious discourse, its members believe themselves to be resolving the problem of poverty. Samir Amin wrote comparing the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to the Pakistani model: “an ‘Islamic' army behind the scene, a ‘civilian' government [being] run by one or more ‘elected' Islamic parties". Yet the failure of this model has been, and continues to be, a shining example of the failure of third world countries, ever since the secession of Islamabad from India in the 1940s. He also compared it to the model of Islamist rule in Somalia, which has turned into dozens of microstates, then to Sudan, where the policies of Hassan Al-Turabi and those who came after him have led to the secession of South Sudan, with secession of the West from Khartoum looming on the horizon. The Muslim Brotherhood is not an Islamist political party. It is a “reactionary Right-wing" political party. They have made no changes to the policies of the former regime. Their relationship with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and with the United States is the same one that was shared by the Mubarak and Sadat regimes. This is at the economic level. At the foreign policy level, Egyptians and the majority of Arabs were expecting the Revolution to restore the active role played by Cairo in their many issues, especially during this historical phase, after it had for more than thirty years withdrawn and fallen into a kind of coma, remaining unmoved by the tremendous developments that took place – from the invasion of Lebanon and the unprecedented occupation of an Arab capital in 1982, to successive Israeli wars on Gaza, to the invasion of Iraq and attempts to divide it. In other words, it abandoned its vital space in the Levant to the policies of Israel and the United States. It also paid no heed to its other strategic space in Africa, leaving Sudan and paying little attention to the sources of the Nile, where the Hebrew State polarized the majority of the countries surrounding it, from Ethiopia to South Sudan. Since the Brotherhood came to power, it has not changed anything about this behavior or official discourse adopted by previous regimes. Rather, it has exerted efforts to consecrate these policies, asserting that it would maintain Egypt's treaties and that it had no intention of reconsidering them (President Morsi's letter to his “friend" Shimon Peres). It also tried to disassociate itself from old statements given by the President, when they were brought up by Senator John Kerry in order to brand Morsi as anti-Semitic. The Muslim Brotherhood's main concern is to educate society in “exalted morals". It is concerned with what people wear, what they eat, and how they marry and have children. Managing domestic and foreign policy in order to meet people's needs and bring them to prosper, on the other hand, is only optional. The Brotherhood's spring is only an extension of Egypt's autumn.
