The Americans are stunned by the transformations of the Arab spring, while they cannot claim they had anything to do with the revolutions in the region or impose their tutelage to deliver lessons in freedom and dignity. The Arabs are distressed by the amount of blood being pumped into the lung of this spring whose train has not yet reached its final station. When will this be seen? Even the president of the superpower, Barack Obama, does not know the answer to the latter question, saying in his speech – which featured infatuation toward America's power – that it had become “stronger,” although his arguments were weak. None among the other leaders will also have a clue about the direction of the winds of change or who will be affected next, following the ones who are not tempted by exile. The only sign of modesty in Obama's State of the Union address was his abstinence from claiming the opening of the doors and windows of the Arab republics of terror before the heroes of the spring, who wrote the first lines of the chapter to end the death of the region's history by force. The American president compared the killing of Colonel Gaddafi to the liquidation of Osama Bin Laden, without distinguishing between the cost of the Jamahiriya's death with heavy Libyan blood and the killing of the leader of Al-Qaeda with American bullets. Obama used his address to serve his campaign and the renewal of his stay at the White House, promising more to come in the region but with the blood of its own people, none of whom are awaiting an American safety raft. Indeed, better than anyone else, the latter know that what forced the tyrant to exit the palace toward jail was not America's democracy lessons or its justice which is blind in Palestine, paralyzed in Syria, deaf with Israel, lame with Iran and reckless in Iraq. They know better than anyone else that what forced the president of the unhappy Yemen – an unhappiness caused by his maneuvers - to seek refuge, was not the lifting of the American patronage he enjoyed, but rather the demonstrations staged on the squares to liberate the state from a regime which violated the country and its wealth and grew accustomed to tampering with its unity. In the republics of terror, a colonel was killed amid fears of seeing the Libyans' revolution eating up its people. In the meantime, another colonel is seeking refuge, a deposed leader in Egypt is still awaiting his sentence a year after the revolution, and others are still not tempted by exile. The deluge is still at its beginning. And because Obama is not the field marshal, he had no obligation to salute the martyrs of the Egyptian revolution, or those of the Yemeni, Tunisian and Libyan ones, as it was seen in Egypt with the military council on the first anniversary of January 25 revolution, during which Tantawi was forced to lift the cover off the state of emergency without dissipating the ambiguities. And whether or not the speculations regarding the Muslim Brotherhood's deal with the military are true – which would justify the movement's opposition of the council's immediate surrender of power following the People's Assembly elections – the first session of the post-revolution parliament equally divided the perception of the transitional phase's end between optimism and pessimism. Indeed, this division is between the calm beginnings of a democratic era even if with the MB turbans, and turbulent beginnings that would bring the conflict back on the street if they were to surrender to the whims of a deaf majority dealing only with the mute! Anything can happen in the presence of the MB's turbans, if they were to truly recognize – and not just say they do – the peaceful transition of power via the ballot boxes. What is more important today is the respect of the fears of the other powers vis-à-vis the exclusion of the voice of civil society under the ceiling of parliamentary legitimacy, seeing how if this were to happen, the Islamic majority in the People's Assembly would only constitute a one-legged legitimacy. Once again, the issue prompts the discussion of the relationship between the recognition of the popular choice and the justice of the victor, who should not impose his programs by force even if in the context of the law. He should also abstain from choosing what the voters ought to read and how they must object – if through bias or courageous expression – and should not differentiate between the civil rights of the Islamists and the secularists, fabricate accusations against the secularists or question the patriotism or belonging of the Copts. The first year has gone by since the eruption of the revolution in Egypt and the spring is not yet over. The Muslim Brotherhood among others might realize that the most difficult test facing the elected legitimacy responsible for the monitoring of the course of the transitional phase, is the achievement of concord with the street that embraced the legitimacy of the revolution. This can only be secured through the dialogue tradition that was disregarded by the republics of terror which assassinated the Arabs' history throughout dozens of years under the pretext of the decisive duel with the Israeli enemy. It is up to Obama to render America stronger, but it is not up to the field marshal alone or the MB alone to render Egypt stronger. This will definitely not be achieved if the democratic era turns into a loud dialogue between the deaf in power and the mute on the street. The same applies to Ennahda's Tunisia, which will be freer if the extremists are made wiser, to the new Libya if it is able to tame the weapons and Yemen if it reconciles with its youth before its tribes. This applies to every Arab country in which the people choose to reconcile with themselves and depose the lying authorities and in every location where the social fabric was torn apart and where the brothers spied on each other to ensure the sustainment of the regime. History is revived and the presidents are seeking shelter. In October 1999, Yemenis in Sana'a were celebrating the “break into the era of democracy!” The occasion marked another round of the election of a president who remained in power for the next 33 years.
