Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir is laughing covertly and openly. He has finally achieved the goal for which he staged a military coup in 1989 under the sponsorship and with the support of the Islamists represented by Hassan al-Turabi and his party: the establishment of an "Islamic regime" in one part of the country after it is vacated from the "imperfections." Hence, he was unable to conceal his feelings in Juba, which he visited two days ago to bid it farewell, saying that despite his "sorrow," he will celebrate the announcement of the secession with the Southerners. Some might be fooled by this talk and think that Al-Bashir is showing tolerance toward his enemies and the detractors of his rule, that he believes in the right of self-determination of the "peoples" of Sudan, and that he is making sure that their choices are respected. But in reality, the Sudanese president - during whose term more people died due to war than to diseases - is sighing with relief as he is watching his dream of getting rid of non-Muslim minorities from Sudan materializing. This is after he consciously and premeditatedly contributed for over two decades in pushing the Southerners toward this choice, through his rejection of the concept of plurality and the rights he should provide to all the Sudanese, regardless of their racial or religious belonging. However, what is making Al-Bashir smile today may bring him to tears tomorrow. Indeed, this seismic fault line - which he contributed to make deeper - is bound to proceed after all the obstacles were removed from its path. And if the authority in Khartoum is blessing and adopting the South's secession, what will be the argument it will use in case the population of the Darfur province were to demand secession? Al-Bashir threatened to strike with "an iron fist" in response to any such demand. However, while the decades-long war with the South did not prevent its secession, will it work in Darfur, whose cause was also internationalized? Are weapons the only means enjoyed by the ruler to address his people? Moreover, what is making Al-Bashir laugh today might bring other Arabs to tears tomorrow, since nothing can prevent the spread of the infection to states in the region - especially if they share Khartoum's method in dealing with the minorities and in rejecting the recognition of their rights, or if factions amongst them are trying to control the others and seeking the imposition of their own approach on them. Some Arab regimes have become accustomed to blaming foreign sides that are envious of their "success," or even to blaming "an imported extremism" that does not reflect the reality and the "solid unity" of their different components, at a time when reality is completely different. These regimes - due to their structure and their fierce insistence on staying in power regardless of the consequences - are often forced to humor the extremists and disregard their practices in order to earn their consent, or at least their silence. Consequently, they allow them to infiltrate the laws and the institutions and turn their extremism into customs that are difficult to overcome, thus deepening the rift inside their communities and paving the way for tensions and violence. Iraq, whose occupation will theoretically end this year, might be among the first candidates to join the "Sudanese model" if its various political leaderships fail in the new coexistence experience after years of civil infighting. And except for the Kurds who have been enjoying for years now a special status consecrated by the current constitution, the remaining components of the Iraqi people are now going through a difficult test, in which failure will revive the idea of its division into provinces and mini-states. In this context, the targeting of the Iraqi Christian minorities may constitute one of the indications of this possibility.
