In Lebanon, the voice of reason seldom emerges and is often absent. We can thus see disputes, clashes, threats, agreements, predictions and projections, but before all this, killings and assassinations. There is one team attacking with words and another threatening with weapons. This is what the previous scene looked like and this is probably the way the current scene will appear. At times the Lebanese picture is “exhilarating” and at others “saddening” in light of the escalation of the language of wrangling among religions, sects, movements and leaders, all of which are feeding off the back of people who love to live but who firstly support the sect and swing between loyalties and rejections, as there is no consolation for the “Land of the Cedars.” There is no doubt that there are regional and external powers interfering in the country's affairs to serve their own goals and interests, but the Lebanese know that just like there are patriotic and honest people, there are beneficiaries, disgruntled, sectarian and traitors – which is where Lebanon's problem lies. Hezbollah's position is still a tense “putschist” arrogant one, boasting power to restore the memory of Beirut's invasion in 2008 under any pretext, whether that of the false witnesses, the indictment or any other. As for Amal, it drowned in silence until its deputies issued a “partisan” rather than a “parliamentary” threat in support of the demands of Hezbollah. Walid Jumblatt remained unchanged and continued to “sell empty words” and fuel emotions with “illusions,” to the point where he lost the allies before the enemies. In the meantime, Michel Aoun is burning all of his sect's cards in Hezbollah's boats and may fall further. In this context, Samir Geagea said about him: “I never expected you to reach this level. I never expected you to amass this much falsification and be so distant from fact and reality.” As for Saad al-Hariri, he is bewildered rather than chosen, since the Future Movement is scared of the future in the presence of parties that are undermining it on all levels and allies who either left or have placed their hands on their hearts while fearing a bleak “future.” The only one who probably remained steadfast and never changed his positions ever since he exited jail is Samir Geagea. Indeed, the leader of the Lebanese Forces was not shaken by Hezbollah's intentions and threats, thus continuing to call for the truth to salvage Lebanon and the blood of the martyrs – as he is saying. Therefore, the domestic situation looks “alarming” and very similar to the way it looked before the eruption of civil war in the nineteen seventies. This is especially true in light of the acuteness of the exchanged accusations between the sects and the political movements, against the backdrop of the “false witnesses” issue and the international tribunal looking into the assassination of Rafik al-Hariri. The Lebanese conducted verbal outbidding by saying that their country looked like a war zone or a battlefield on which regional states and other distant ones competed to settle scores and agendas. This reached a point where their country's domestic situation has reached the brink of detonation at the hands of the Lebanese people themselves, seeing how each sect and movement possesses a number of cards that can be used to serve the interests of the leadership and the sect, and not those of the homeland. The Lebanese must realize that threats and coercion will not a country make, and that they will never be able to build a common state or a common identity. “Cheap” concessions or weakness at the level of revealing the killer and learning the details of the assassinations and invasions that affected the country, will not bring about a strong government, security or stability and will not prevent strife, mend the mistakes or deter the killers. If Lebanon continues to be a state proceeding down a tightrope and in which Hezbollah can link the fate and stability of the people and the country to an indictment, the threats will be upheld and the party will destroy the country and paralyze the lives of the worshipers upon the orders of Wali e-Faqih if such a decision is issued. It is thus necessary for each and every Lebanese to fully believe that his country's stability will not be made abroad, but rather by the Lebanese people themselves. This should be done based on the wish to live together and enjoy a common nationality before being loyal to the sect, seeing how “religion belongs to Allah and the country belongs to all.” The task in Lebanon is the same as the one in Iraq. Indeed, the latter country is now suffering a political, security and economic threat due to the failure of the political blocs to agree on the formation of the government, at a time when Iran is interfering and trying to include its loyal clerics in the political parties and blocs which participating in the elections to ratify the “Wali e-Faqih” regime. For its part, Lebanon has become addicted to domestic tensions and has surrendered and succumbed to a frightening reality. It is thus filled with leaders and plagued with sectarianism and denominationalism, a situation which has grown worse and more complicated after each sect started to enjoy a political platform, an armed militia, a “partisan” media outlet and a foreign source of funding. This caused the failure of the permanent and ongoing efforts to ensure stability in it. Therefore, the talk about dangerous repercussions and the scenarios of civil and sectarian war lurking the country, is the natural conclusion in light of the growing accusations, threats and heated statements and the conviction that reaching an agreement with certain regimes allied with the opposition is quasi-impossible. This became more obvious after what Hezbollah did when it received Jamil al-Sayyed at the Beirut airport - in a way that constituted a defiance of the law and an intimidation of the government – as opposed to what President Michel Suleiman assumed when he said: “There is an overly pessimistic media and political exaggeration.”
