The relatively low turnout of the Muslim Brotherhood after Friday prayers — the barometer of how high or low is the temperature of protesters in Cairo — compared to the huge mobilization of previous Islamist protests shows the extent to which the government crackdown has hurt the Brotherhood and its ability to bring out supporters. The Brotherhood could once mobilize vast crowds, drawing on the same organizational strength it wielded at the ballot box in which it won the five elections staged since the revolution of 2011. But its protests have dwindled this week in the face of the security crackdown. In the past 10 days, starting with the clearing out of two big Brotherhood sit-ins, the police have since arrested hundreds of Brotherhood leaders and members, disrupting the organization's decision making, communication and mobilization abilities. A bad week for the Brotherhood does not necessarily mean they are down and out. They have survived for generations as an underground movement hunted by the security forces every which way. They probably remain Egypt's best-drilled political force and will continue their protests in response to the July 3 ouster of Mohamed Morsi, a former Brotherhood leader, as president. Added to the Brotherhood's anger has been the release of Hosni Mubarak from prison. Mubarak's release is a symbolic victory for the old order, giving the impression to the Brotherhood and in fact all Egyptians that Egypt has ended up exactly where it began. Though the former president who was ousted after a popular uprising against him in January 2011, was placed under house arrest at a hospital and is still facing more than one charge, the decision by a court to free him adds to the impression that Egypt has come full circle, returning precisely to where it stood before the people toppled Mubarak, bringing an end to his 30-year rule. At 85, Mubarak poses no political threat but with his release many of the men from his regime will be emboldened to take part in politics. Judging by the huge nationwide protests against Mubarak and Morsi, the rules of the two were fare from successful. Muslim Brotherhood rule has, according to many indicators, driven the country to political, economic and social deterioration worse than the situation that had prevailed during the pre-25 January Revolution era, which is constantly cursed as an era of relentless corruption and plundering. After two and a half years Egyptians are seeing up close what does not work. They see that democracy won't come after a few weeks on the square chanting slogans for freedom, as those who ousted Mubarak will attest. And the pro-Morsi crowd should acknowledge that democracy certainly won't come when the goal while in power is to accumulate more power, after which their contingents are dispatched to stage disruptive sit-ins, subsidiary marches, create roadblocks, interrupt public services and generate as much havoc as possible. Though the Brotherhood is reeling from a week of bloodshed and the arrest of many of its leaders, and despite the recent relative quiet on the streets, the danger is not over. The 25 Egyptian policemen killed last week in an attack by militants in the Sinai Peninsula says in bold letters that Sinai is now populated with every imaginable sort of terrorist, whether those released from Egyptian jails or those imported from outlets of the terrorist industry. A crisis exists but perhaps the population is better able to understand how the crisis erupted and how to avoid others.
