Seventy years after its independence, it seems that Lebanon has lost its raison d'être as a sovereign state. In addition, its modern (and ancient) history is nothing but an endless series of crushing crises, featuring some periods of calm and ceasefire. Lebanon is intensifying the crises surrounding the identity, entity and role sweeping the Arab world, and especially the Levant. This is happening amid the reemergence of the voices calling for drastic change in the structure and formula of the rule in these countries, after a decade that has gone to waste and witnessed the collapse of the dreams related to the unity state and the Arab national state. But usually, these calls go in one of two directions: Either separation on ethnic-religious bases or a federation within the borders of the state, as drawn by the Sykes-Picot Accord. We believe that both paths will only renew the crises and open the door before conflicts based on the inability to build successful economies, in light of the lack of natural resources in this region and the great demographic boom. In an age where the states-nations - based on the nineteenth century conception - are collapsing and where the imperial projects are becoming a threat facing whatever internal cohesion is left inside the Arab states, new frameworks ought to be considered for a rule with a wide base, limiting to the bare minimum the ethnic, sectarian and regional frictions. Perhaps, a federal state including Lebanon and Syria, and in which the provinces enjoy real powers on the economic, developmental and educational levels, even at the level of foreign affairs, would help extinguish the frenzy surrounding the identities and sects and guarantee the interests and rights of the Arabs, Kurds, Sunnis, Shiites, Christians and Alawites among others. However, if we wish to remain in the context of serious consideration, calling for the annexation of Israel and Jordan to the federal Levant state cannot be eluded. The proposed state would solve the problems of the minorities and sects on one hand, and since it includes the largest number of Palestinian refugees, will carry the historical settlement between the Arabs and the Jews who constitute one of the sides of federalism. In addition, as citizens in this state, the Palestinians will have the right to reside in the region they choose, in addition to their federal province or republic in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. As for the provinces' maps, they will be redrawn based on clearer and more coherent facts, going in line with the reality confirmed by the bitter experiences of independence. As for the Jewish issue that interests the West, it will be solved in parallel to the Palestinian cause on the national, moral and humanitarian levels, while the Lebanese Christians and the Syrian Alawites – to name a few – will see the end of their concerns and fears and the answer to their rightful questions. We are aware of the size of the "constant principles," "sanctities" and national sentiments defied by this idea. However, it would be useful to take a look at the blocked horizon of political and social evolution in Lebanon and Syria, as well as the historical failure of the Palestinian national movement and the lurking civil, sectarian and ethnic war as the only alternative for the failure to build a viable and prosperous political entity, to see the shortcomings of ready-made ideas in the workshops of both the traditional regimes and oppositions. Clearly, the regimes that are fiercely fighting – the point of pure insanity – to preserve their privileges and powers, will not recognize the end of the era of minorities seeking protection from empty secular and nationalistic slogans, the fall of both the regimes and minorities in an endless ditch and the fact that the "central cause" has witnessed qualitative change in the last twenty years, amid an international insistence on disregarding the settlement activities and the occupation and on supporting Israel without any limits. The minorities' retreat inside their forts and the prevalence and spread of the Masada mentality will only result in further losses, waste of time and the absence of reasons to live in this region. Whatever little time is left ought to push all the sides to think about putting their interests (even the selfish and narrow ones) ahead of the collective suicide option.
