The acute controversy surrounding the possible introduction of the colloquial language in preliminary schools in Morocco has retreated but is not yet over. This issue is like a giant emerging from the ashes. And just like some perceive it as being a way to open up to the mother tongue being used in the house, on the street and on television, in order to narrow the distance between it and what is being taught at school, others believe that this call aims to a certain extent to smother the Arabic language and stifle religious teachings that fashion individuals and societies. Today, the controversy has widened to affect political affairs, after Islamic, Amazigh, and liberal figures and movements have become involved. This is due to the fact that linguistic matters always lead back to certain references and realities, which in Morocco's case feature a connection to a historical stage governed by division between the people of the same country. Hence, just like the so-called Berber Dahir was formed to separate the Berbers from the Arabs during the colonialist phase, the same was done with the colloquial language schooling proposed by Orientialists. Historically-speaking, the opposition against the colonialist plan started out in the mosques and was linked to common religious belief, considering that the Arabs and the Amazighs shared the same doctrine, although they disagreed at the level of the language. And it took decades to reach a consensual agreement recognizing both the Arabic and Amazigh languages as the two official languages in the constitution, in education and the official procedures. This experience is still new and has yet to be tested to assess its negative and positive effects, check how compatible it is with the curricula and see how well received it is by the students. This is why the proposal to introduce the colloquial language was perceived as being misplaced. At the very least, it would be difficult for the students to learn more than one language in primary school, not to mention the value of this experience in light of circumstances in which everyone is recognizing the fact that education in the country is witnessing real crises. The recognition of the weak education system, which is unable to keep pace with development and the requirements of scientific and technological progress, does not mean that teaching in the colloquial language will solve all the problems or that it will achieve openness towards external files and ensure the students' understanding of the facets of development. Therefore, this linguistic issue will merely complicate the situation and cannot be reduced to a return to colloquialism. At this level, there are no encouraging experiences to follow, knowing that the teaching of the Amazigh language is still facing obstacles. Those calling for this move – which has spread to television shows, advertising material and even the columns of some newspapers – are saying that their goal is not to undermine Arabic, at a time when those opposing the idea believe that the introduction of the colloquial language to the primary school curricula aims to challenge the Arabic language as the language of religion. They are thus linking this call to the rising voices demanding the reduction of the Koranic madrassa in which the children receive their primary education. This gave a wider dimension to the linguistic issue, which went from being a controversy surrounding the foundations and areas of expression to an issue undermining the Moroccan identity with its Islamic, Arab and Amazigh components. The attempts to reduce the education crisis in Morocco to a linguistic wager clearly reveal cultural and civilizational conflicts between multiple lobbies. What is noticeable at this level is that each time political crises emerge between Morocco and some of its European partners, particularly France and Spain, the language issue resurfaces, and Rabat – the official level in the country - rushes to decrease the number of television broadcast hours in one of the two languages, meaning that language is being used as a political weapon in greater battles. On the opposite end of this inclination, foundations were established in Morocco to protect the Arabic language, while calling for the Arabization of the administration and the official procedures, which would explain the sensitivities seen when the linguistic dimension is raised on both the local and external levels. However, the constitution ratified in July 2011 considered that both the Arabic and Amazigh languages were the official languages of the state, asking in its prologue that the Hassaniya dialect used by the desert people be given special attention. It also stipulated the establishment of language institutes to enhance openness. For their part, those following the education file in the country stated that the constitution annulled any political exploitation of the pressures exerted by the economic and commercial centers of influence, while the Supreme Council of Education excluded the colloquial language from the curricula. But instead of seeing the implementation of the constitutional document, problems are being put forward far away from the core of the crisis affecting the educational issue, and featuring a political backdrop. Still, Morocco can get rid of many flaws if it surrenders this file to specialists, education experts, sociologists, and mechanisms capable of activating and protecting the identity. Languages can divide, but what is special about the Arab language is that it combines.
