This important question is the title of a book recently published by Dar Jadawel, written by American researchers Zoltan Barany and Robert Moser who are both professors at Texas University. It was translated into Arabic by Jamal Abdul Rahim and its introduction was written by Saudi journalist and author Abdurrahman al-Rached. In this book, a group of political academicians use research and analysis to answer the question in a clear language, through ten chapters and a valuable analytical conclusion. It confirms that the attempts to export democracy by military power jeopardizes it, especially since the question surrounding the exportability of democracy is thorny, in the face of the question surrounding the promotion or enhancement of democracy via values and aid. There are difficulties which cannot be overcome at the level of the attempts to export democracy by force, namely the fact that among its main principles is the ability of the people to choose, and their understanding of their rights and national partnership and responsibility, before tackling anything else. When my friend Muhammad al-Saif offered me this book, I thanked him. But when I read it, I thought he deserved many more thanks. In his introduction of the book, Abdurrahman al-Rashed believed that for many, democracy was a fascinating word, without realizing that it is not a magical solution to all the problems, but rather a complicated recipe with numerous requirements which are sometimes contradictory. In addition, the talk about the democratic solution as a cure for all the illnesses of the totalitarian states in the region is a big simplification, and might lead to political shock and devastating social disappointment at the beginning of the test. He thus indicated that without a culture of understanding of the meanings of democracy, its failure is inevitable! Al-Rashed then stressed that the leaders, and not just the citizens, should seek solutions that meet the people's aspirations, include them in the responsibility, and guarantee the continuation of the regime in power, based on institutions and not individuals, and leaving room for all the sides, regardless of their sects and belongings. The book does not only draw its importance from the questions it raises and the answers it provides, but also from the deep analyses it features. Indeed, it states that the last three decades witnessed a wave of democratization at the level of the international system, adding that among the most important challenges facing the Western policy-makers is the acute danger of this democratization, especially if the transformations are not correctly sequenced. Indeed, the lack of sequencing might cause failure to enhance democracy and trigger wars, particularly when the state's political institutions are weak at the beginning of the transition from autocracies to partial democracies, and when democratization is threatening the country's elite. This analysis might be the closest to what happened in the Arab republics, which featured calls for the rule of the people, before their governments practiced tyranny and oppression. The war on Iraq provoked the current problems affecting the exportation of democracy. At this level, Marc Plattner says (in the book) that the attempts to establish democracies through occupation were very rare, without forgetting that the Iraqi experience spoiled various types of exportation initiatives, or neglecting what was done by the multinational initiative that caused deep problems in Afghanistan. Although democracy cannot be exported, it could succeed (or be obstructed) in any country based on the contribution of other states. Therefore, it is logical to differentiate between three different terms that are often confused, but are at least used to point to various projects. The first is the “exportation of democracy," which means the implantation of a system in full; the second is the enhancement of democracy, which means the existence of a conceptual project for the acceptance of democracy as the best form of governance; and the third is the democratic aid, which implies the support of the various institutions and attitudes which new democracies are believed to need. Institutions in any state require voluntary assistance, without the imposition of decisions by force, even under an unmatched authority. According to the book, this point is best validated in Japan during the post World War II stage. Even in occupied territories destroyed by atomic bombs and led by a supreme commander who enjoyed prerogatives and powers which no one can even conceive in our day and age, local institutions practiced fierce resistance. In addition, the devastated country's constitution was drawn up within six days by an American team gathered in a ballroom in Tokyo. But the supreme commander who ordered this initiative realized that the document must be presented to the people by Emperor Hirohito. And it was accepted because it maintained the greatness of the throne. This is why Barany believes that foreign participation should be well conceived in accordance with the local conditions, or else it will be pointless. More revealing signs are seen in the catastrophic elections held under foreign pressures to hasten democratization. Fast elections imposed by foreigners who do not know the local situation (Chirot in the book) often constitute the spark of long-term conflicts. The articles in this book recall that the elections held with an international mandate in Burundi, led to the death of 200,000 people in 1993, and that the referendum conducted under international tutelage in East Timor cause wide-scale killings and displacements in 1999. Hence, according to the book, the exportation of democracy is difficult, but the spread of democracy is a wonderful idea after the democratic aid was somewhat successful. [email protected] twitter | @JameelTheyabi
