Sectarianism collapsed in Iraq after it was besieged, while the problem resides - according to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki - in the insistence of some governments on fueling "the fire of sectarian strife which is undermining the unity of Muslims." In the partial outcome of the events witnessed during the last few weeks in Iraq, the Baghdad court issued a sentence in absentia to execute Vice President Tarik al-Hachemi and a number of his bodyguards, while this sentence was criticized by President Jalal al-Talabani, the parliamentary Iraqiya bloc and figures close to the Kurdistan province's command. On the same day, i.e. September 9, 109 people were killed and 250 wounded in a wave of explosions targeting several parts of Iraq. And following a week of mobile killings between the various neighborhoods and cities, an explosion near the Green Zone claimed the lives of 31 Iraqis. In light of these facts and figures, one cannot help but wonder about the meaning of the "besieging and collapse of strife" in Iraq. Indeed, the sentence against Al-Hachemi, although it was issued by a court from which the Shiite judges were excluded to uphold its integrity, is at the core of the conflict over power between two projects, which could not be settled by the 2010 elections. The supporters of both sides are entitled to describe their projects as they wish, but the main headlines of both directions became clear, especially following the eruption of the Arab revolutions. The relations with Iraq's neighboring states seem to be extremely important in both projects, just like the positions of power inside the country. At this level, it is not surprising for the neighbors of a large and rich country (which is currently weak) to have ambitions, and for the attempts to achieve them to feature fierceness and violence. One could even say that the terrorist explosions, in which Al-Qaeda and its offshoots are playing a major role, are partly due to the conflict inside the Shiite home which has not yet recognized Al-Maliki's right to stay in his position until further notice. What is funny is that Al-Maliki - who is proud about the victory over sectarianism in Iraq - warned that "the region is witnessing a dangerous wave of challenges whose main root is sectarian." At this point, the talk moves to another level, seeing how Al-Maliki, who is supporting Bashar al-Assad's "secular" regime and is allied with Iran even if in the face of some Iraqi Shiites who reject the influence of Tehran, its bodies, its guards and commercial agents, does not believe he is playing any role in fueling sectarian strife. But this is in form. At the level of the content, it is interesting to learn about the Iraqi prime minister's perception of sectarianism. Indeed, his statements invalidate all the writings and statements in which his supporters justified his positions, as he considered for example that Al-Hachemi was an agent trying to restore American influence through the Turkish gate and with the help of the Kurds. As for the latter, they were qualified by the defenders of the prime minister as being opportunists, seeking control over Iraqi oil outside their northern province. In the meantime, all the others who opposed Al-Maliki's personal ambitions that know no boundaries were accused of being agents, traitors, brokers and sectarian. There is no sectarianism in Iraq, but all that is happening outside of it is due to sectarianism. This is what the prime minister is saying. However, there is a major flaw affecting this talk, as it merely reveals a wish to monopolize power in the country, by rendering it homogenous and under his sole command, while gradually and implicitly pushing Iraq towards one of the axes of regional sectarian alignment. At this level, it is no mistake to say that this inclination is a shift away from everything that was accomplished since the toppling of Saddam Hussein and until this day.
