For the Moroccan cabinet of Abdelilah Benkirane to confront the its political adversaries, this is only natural. Indeed, the democratic process cannot be complete in the absence of an opposition group that monitors the executive apparatus, and that seizes the opportunity to topple it in a democratic manner. But for opposition voices to come out from within the governmental coalition and from unspecific sides, then this implies the revival of fears that nearly turned into a political program in the context of the ongoing conflict. Moroccan intellectual Abdullah al-Arwi, who is known for his poised analysis and ability to comprehend historic facts, admitted that he sees no Islamist trace in the experience of the present cabinet. This greatly decreases the sharpness of the fears especially as he also stresses that the socialist cabinet of Abdul Rahman al-Yousifi in 1998 was the victim of the consensus coalition's desire of obtaining a majority. The same applies largely to the current cabinet, which was born last November through a voting process. The interesting thing about this experience is not the fact that the Justice and Freedom is leading the game. The same had taken place with the socialist union earlier without any excessive fears. Perhaps the difference between the two experiences is that the Benkirane cabinet is based on a more liberal constitutional foundation while Al-Yousifi's cabinet worked on making changes beyond its constitutional and executive capacities, surrendering to a consensus with no horizons. The repetition of similar scenarios in different times reveals the extent to which the Moroccan political mind has failed to get rid of its fears and the closest proof to that is that the opponents of change did not retreat from the arena. They rather hide behind cloaks and masks that spread the culture of surrender and apathy. The rotation plan has used up its time without achieving its goals because the sources of its troubles also stemmed from within and around the experience. Back then, there was a lot of talk on that the cabinet is being stirred by several persons and that the movement of the conservatives within the hidden security elements led by Former Interior Minister, Idriss al-Bosri, is placing sticks in the wheels of progress. Bringing together all the different members of the governmental majority including the parties with different loyalties and affiliations has imposed a kind of co-existence at the expense of the achievements. As a result, Al-Yousifi got bored with his party and commitments and opted for retirement. In the experience of the 100 day old Benkirane cabinet, boredom was felt. Some ministers even threatened to resign and others stepped into a confrontation pertaining to the conflict of competences. The street also turned into a conflict arena on the backdrop of the regression of the promises and the increase of protests. Meanwhile, there are different visions concerning the best way to secure a reform path with no hindrances. Was this expected? Or was the cabinet's launching speed too much to handle? So far, nothing implies that the cabinet has broken the rules of discipline vis-à-vis its appointed missions. The cabinet could have exaggerated with its threats to tackle the corruption files; and its Islamist ministers might have become able to control the scene as opposed to the hesitation of their coalition partners. The cabinet could have used the arm of the statements more than the boldness of the decisions. However, this does not mean that the cabinet's message has been delivered. In politics, intentions with no work mean nothing. The cabinet enjoys the safety of the confidence that it obtained through the voting ballots. The partners of the Justice and Development party, who decided to support the experience, realize that they will share the fruits of success or the bitterness of failure. But the problem does not lie in the repercussions of the forced consensus that caused the Islamist party to accept a ruling partnership with its former adversaries. As much as this development is considered an indicator to openness that almost revokes the former positions and stances, this openness remained a limited one; one that does not exceed the general framework; and one that may alter its requirements at the first crisis or dispute. Nothing much has changed in the country's political equations. The cabinet, which is supposed to boycott hesitation and to bring together the will to do things and the ability to actually do them, is still acting as if it was an opposition party. In addition, the opposition did not modify its ways in dealing with the problems at hand. There is an upcoming bet that will, seemingly, strongly affect the course of this experience. Indeed, the country will be witnessing municipal elections and the elections of the parliament's second chamber. Thus, one can say that the electoral competitions are still affecting the positions pending that everybody will learn that easing down the electoral fears implies actions rather than mere wishes. Perhaps the most significant problem of the current cabinet is that it is somehow trapped in electoral calculations.
