In 1981, voices calling for amputation rose in Morocco. They demanded that the Socialist Union be banned on the backdrop of the civil unrest that resulted from a general strike. After less than two decades, the party – the opponents of which had tried to demonize with every possible manner – is leading the first experience of alternation that brought the opposition to power. The same reality would be faced by the Justice and Development party as it takes steps on the road of the legitimate political work. There had been calls to terminate this party. However, after about eight years, it held its head up high and it is now taking a turn in the direction of consolidating the culture of participation from its position at the front rows of the cabinet. Moroccan Monarch, King Mohammed VI had appointed the leader of the Islamic Party, Abdelilah Benkiran, to form this cabinet. This means that politics can carve rocks the same way that nature does, provided it is armed with practicality and ambition along with manly stands and bright ideas. Fears concerning the access of the Socialist Union to governmental ranks had been dissipated without any losses or turbulences in the side that opposed this experience. Similarly, the Justice and Development seems to lean towards normalization with the reality that was reflected by the voting ballots. In the past, it used to take part in the elections just to prove its existence and without raising any sensitivity. Now however, it has taken part in the conflict through the Friday voting and it is brandishing slogans indicating that it will be the symbol of the change that the different society parts are calling for, supporting, sympathizing with, or even opposing. The difference is that the Socialist Union accessed power at the time when the ideological wars were crumbling and no major distance separated it from the initiative of moving from the opposition to power. Indeed, the distance shrunk as a result of the fascination with the globalization principles and the confrontation of challenges. This was deemed a kind of change beginning from within. On the other hand, the Justice and Development benefitted from the momentum of the changes witnessed by the region. It thus turned into an equation that succeeded at imposing itself in a powerful manner, and which can neither be written off, nor be abided by without reviving a historical agreement that has no room for any estrangement, marginalization, or hegemony. The consciences did not rebel suddenly and the return of awareness was not achieved out of the blue. Instead, the electors' votes that sided with the slogan of war against corruption and tyranny were directed against the practices of the pre-alternation era. There is a paradox represented in that the slogans that were born out of the previous experience – which call for boycotting the politics of creating partisan maps and controlling the political scene through a remote control – have now been crystallized through the voting ballots. The reason might be that the Justice and Development was honest, it tackled the wound with no twists or equivocation, and was capable of gaining the votes of a large part of the electoral committee that expressed its' rejection of the politics of mysteriousness and distribution of power positions among those who are in the front and those who are hiding behind the scenes. This is the logic of the new constitution, which defined the jurisdictions and the specializations; and which imposed a full adherence to it in a way that canceled all forms of controversy. It is no longer acceptable for the constitutional document to promise one thing and for the political practices to go in a different and non-democratic direction. This is not about a punitive voting according to the familiar concepts and indications of the pro-government vs. opposition conflicts. It however does ring the alarm bells when it comes to confronting any kind of bouncing back. As a result, those who thought that the new constitution is their chance to seize back the control of the political game from behind the scenes were the first ones to suffer from the muffled screams of the voting ballots. It does not matter whether the Justice and Development will proceed in forming the upcoming cabinet; the size of the difficulties that will hinder it is also not important. The most important thing is that this party has achieved a major victory in the face of its adversaries expectations for it to be broken soon. Morocco has won a difficult bet in absorbing the concerns and challenges of this phase, and the political scene seems to be prone to additional development, renewal, and hopes. The Moroccan Monarch, King Mohammad VI was wiser and smarter when he opted to transform the movement of the angry Moroccan Street into a political conflict within the institutions, with the parliament at the forefront. He was keen on halting the boat of the movement in the loud ocean of debates around ideas and initiatives. Through his appointment of the leader of the Justice and Development, he seems to have renewed his commitment to the constitutional reference, while leaving the partners and the competitors to their commitment to the political reference. The ball is now in the playground of the parties. Only those parties can answer this essential question: will the national tendency and the democracy win in dealing with the new changes, or are some still suffering from the complex of waiting for the whistle? All the rest is just small battles that must be filed behind the past November 25.
