At the opening ceremony of the Sayyeda Zainab complex in Beirut's southern suburb recently, the Secretary-General of Hezbollah Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said that all talk of military intervention in Syria is now meaningless, and that the Americans are incapable of even attempting such an intervention. He also said that “talk of sending Arab troops to Syria is now unfeasible” and that “the option of arming the Syrian opposition is no longer being discussed internationally and at the Arab summit”. Nasrallah added that “overthrowing the regime militarily (from within) has also become unfeasible, and what is required is a political solution”. Sayyed Nasrallah even said that the wagers by some in Lebanon and beyond on the ouster of the Syrian regime are lost bets, and need to be reconsidered, because facts should have their mark on how issues are approached politically. In Lebanon, Hassan Nasrallah is losing a lot of his supporters who are fed up with him and the duplicity of his policies, especially in light of his support for the systematic and atrocious slaughter perpetrated by the Assad regime. In Syria, slogans are being chanted against him and his party, calling for him to be fought on par with the regime of Bashar al-Assad that is slaughtering the people. Hezbollah is even being accused of participating in the killing of Syrians alongside the Shabbiha, or the regime's thugs. No political observers are surprised by the Hezbollah Secretary General's blind support for the regime of Bashar al-Assad against any attempts to overthrow him, even by concocting incredible analyses and accounts that have no basis in reality. Nasrallah's insistence on supporting the regime of Bashar al-Assad stems from his realization that the ouster of Assad would controvert Hezbollah's policies in Lebanon and its plans abroad, and would weaken its stances and influence, forcing it to politically reposition itself, and seek moderation in dialogue and the demands made on its rivals. Hezbollah sees the Assad regime, its ally and the ally of Iran, as an indispensable source of backing for it in Lebanon, Syria and the region. Therefore, its collapse will put Hezbollah in an open confrontation with the Syrians all at close proximity, and will put an end to years of rapprochement and close ties between Hezbollah and Islamist groups in Palestine. To be sure, any upcoming democratic rule in Syria, following the collapse of the Assad regime, will bring about a government with choices and aspirations that are markedly different from the current policies pursued by the Baath Party, forcing Hezbollah to look for exits and new alliances that save it skin, even if on a temporary basis. There is no doubt that the fall of the Assad regime will make access to weapons for Hezbollah a difficult and dangerous exercise, and its ally Iran will as a result also lose much of its influence in the region, which it hitherto reinforced through the gateway of Damascus. In truth, it is this which has enabled Tehran and for many years to use Damascus as regional leverage and as an easy passageway for sending money and arms to ‘militias', managing to realize some of its expansionary ambitions in the Arab region in the process. Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah is falling into the trap of pertinent questions that require immediate answers with respect to the Syrian revolution. This is because Nasrallah is trying to turn these answers into meaningless ones, placing his credibility on the line, if he indeed has any left. People close to Hezbollah purport that Nasrallah believes there is no other solution for him but to ‘stick close' with the Assad regime and support it until the very end, even by participating in spreading rumors. This is with a view to frustrate the opposition, in conjunction with efforts to change the convictions of the Syrian and Lebanese peoples through his media outlets, and his allies and supporters by questioning the Syrian revolution, and fomenting ‘false' doubts in an attempt to spread suspicion with respect to the goals of the revolution, reducing it into a mere confrontation between the regime and terrorist elements. This is in fact what prompted Nasrallah's allies among Michel Aoun's Party's ministers in the cabinet last week to spread lies, and describe the displaced Syrians fleeing the atrocities as terrorists. Hassan Nasrallah could have captured everyone's attention and secured his credibility in the Arab Street by standing with the Syrian revolution against the killing, tyranny and by supporting justice, just like he made a stand against Israeli tyranny, or at least wait and remain silent. Instead, he opted for swimming in the sea of the Assad regime's lies and the trap of sectarianism by defending a criminal regime that is slaughtering its own people. This runs contrary to his claims and speeches calling for resistance against oppressive regimes. What is certain is that Sayyed Nasrallah is one of the biggest losers in the Arab spring. The Arab popular uprisings have actually exposed the falsehood of some sectarian political parties, and the falsehood of the slogans they raise to promote their interests and other regional interests that have nothing to do with the true aspirations of the people for freedom and dignity. With Nasrallah's ‘disgraceful' stances on the Syrian revolution, and his siding with a criminal regime that is slaughtering innocent people and destroying homes atop their inhabitants, Sayyed Nasrallah and his party have lost a great deal of power, influence and credibility. History will not only record a humiliating defeat for the regime of Bashar al-Assad, but Hassan Nasrallah, his party and many other mouthpieces in Lebanon will also join the big ‘party'. [email protected] Twitter | @ JameelTheyabi
