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The Strongest in Syria
Published in AL HAYAT on 15 - 09 - 2011

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's excessive charisma which might worry some Arabs, is not their primary concern for now as he is being received as a “hero” in the rebellious Egypt. What is worrying everyone is the “excessive blood” being shed in Syria every day and Damascus' drowning in the isolation of “conspiracy,” at a time when the Turkish neighbor is no longer eligible – according to the Baath regime – to give advice and break the walls of the power illusions.
The Arabs are waiting to learn about the option-illusion which was mentioned by Ankara as the last card to face the crisis in Syria. Many among them are probably not bothered to see Erdogan stripping Tehran of most of its Middle Eastern “cards” in a “brotherly” attack to ensure partnership with the Arabs, based on the continuous reprimanding of Israel to obstruct the Iranian outbidding.
The Arab League attempted to Arabize the solution in Syria. But it soon became clear that its dialogue with the authority was one between a side that did not enjoy the ability to impose a solution and a regime that lost the ability to listen ever since it became hijacked by the “conspiracy” ghosts. Indeed, Damascus appeared to be wagering on the imposition of facts on the ground before the visit of Arab League Secretary General Nabil al-Arabi. It then accepted the visit when the wager could not be secured in time, in the hope of at least affecting the League's positions. But the authority was quickly thwarted with the Arab ministerial council's adoption of a language which it perceived as being in favor of “foreign goals.” What was required in Damascus was an Arabization that would disregard the killing machine as long as it is part of the confrontation against the “conspiracy.”
As for the Syrian regime's rush to condemn the Council's statement by saying it was “hostile,” it will leave Arabization with nothing but the ashes of the confrontations in the cities and villages, and the fires of dialogue with oppression and bullets. And while the most prominent facets of the friction between Damascus and the League resided in the ministerial council's condition to see a “ceasefire” before the dispatch of the Arab delegation to conduct a “fact-finding” mission, what the Syrian regime cannot accept is the brothers' adoption of internationalization (similar to the UN commission to investigate the human rights violations) and their use of a language of “dictations.” This is firstly seen at the level of the ceasefire priority and the withdrawal of the army back to the barracks, and secondly at the level of the treatment of the regime and the opposition as equals in the context of dialogue.
In reality, the definite loss of the Arabization option which was described as being a hoist for the regime's talk about the elimination of the “conspiracy” – as it is wanted by the regime - in light of Damascus' insistence on the invasions carried out by the army and some of which are heralding a military friction with the Turkish neighbor, this loss is not carrying the seeds of an international military intervention which is unanimously rejected by the Syrians. But what cannot be eliminated among the difficult options is this road which the Western states might have to pave – even if under a humanitarian cover – to raise the banner of the United Nations. Such a step is the only one that would prevent Ankara's implication in a costly clash and avert the easy luring of the victorious NATO forces in the Libyan war with a fight with one of its member states (i.e. Turkey).
What is left of Arabization is not enhanced – within the Syrian regime – by the threats and “warnings” to see the reviewing of the file of the crisis by the Arab League “in case the killing and oppression were to proceed.” This was stated by Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hamad Bin Jassem Bin Jabr al-Thani, whose country was repeatedly attacked by Damascus and accused of carrying out instigation.
Through a simple inventory, it is clear that the team of the “powerful” includes:
- The Arab League, which is taking sides with the rights of the Syrian people and rejecting killing to discipline those demanding freedoms. But as usual, it is feared that the strength of the League will be limited to its voice, and that once again it will vacate the arena before an exposed confrontation between the stupid insistence on committing suicide and the shape of internationalization, which in no way eliminates the fear of seeing civil war.
- Erdogan, who one day condemns the “crimes against the Syrian civilians” and the next day threatens “Israel's crimes” with a definite price. He is the one accused of raising his voice against the Hebrew state to pave the way before the “last treatment” vis-à-vis the Syrian regime.
- The West, which is insisting on the exclusion of military interference to protect the civilians in Syria and will continue being accused of making “misleading” allusions to the regime to reassure it that the stick of internationalization will remain financial-economic and will not feature a scalpel.
…As for the weak who are facing the bloody “disciplining” campaigns with their chests and are confronting oppression with their voices, they remain the strongest after almost half a year into the collapse of fear.


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