Morocco [must] have new democratic institutions. The challenge no longer consists of a constitutional reference that is in charge of separating authorities and defining responsibilities in light of the passing of the new constitution. Rather, it is connected to the general atmosphere of the upcoming elections and the ability of the political parties to renew their elites and to develop the concepts of political work in order to match the aspirations. In a precedent that indicated that the ball has moved to the field of the political parties, some angry men belonging to the February 20 protest movement, and some unemployed university graduates occupied the headquarters of the Independence party, which is headed by the current Prime Minister, Abbas al-Fassi, with the aim of pressuring the government to implement their demands. Prior to that, some political leaders came under heavy criticism from the part of protestors. This means that a new gap has been unexpectedly opened in the political clash. The parties and the syndical centers with the highest power in the Street are the ones who hosted the youth protest movements in the past when they used to carry out a staunch movement of protest against the former governments. Today however, they are facing blows dealt by ramifications of those movements as they were reassured to their continued power within the government. The electoral deadlines do not stop at the type and extent of the political competitions between the persons competing for the trust of the voting ballots. They however increase those competitions on the basis of the programs, ideas, and the agenda concerned with the carrying out of the promises and commitments. This time, the political figures will not only confront each other, but they will also be forced to consider the growingly protesting Street movement as a top priority. As much as some pro governmental and opposition political figures were asking that the government's authority should extend over all the sectors of the administration, the appointment of prominent employees, and the extending of the government authority as an executive body in front of the parliament; [these figures] will have to take part in the upcoming electoral competitions while being more cautious about taking on thorny responsibilities, the least of which implies that the country's financial and economic capacities do not allow that the demands of the Street be amply met. But at the same time, they might base themselves on these hypotheses in order to try new recipes in enriching the resources that would guarantee liberation from some social restraints. The political and partisan conflict in Morocco has gone beyond the old game between the Authority and its prominent opponents. New forces have appeared in the formula of the so-called “Arab Spring.” These are led by the movement of the angry youth. And although Morocco was capable of containing the protest waves - through a civilized method that transferred the confrontation from the street to the areas of thought and by managing the public affairs through the passing of a new constitution that went beyond the ceiling of many demands – the experience will not be completed except within the framework of the benefit that the parties and youth movements will be reaping from this development. The closest [example to such benefit] implies that the youths will be looking for new areas for practicing political work in the elected councils or the parliament instead of the street. Indeed, some partisan figures might be able to attract some angry persons. There is also a prominent first: one unemployed, university graduate youth had taken part in a previous electoral competition were he based himself on the support of his unemployed supporters. He did not go as far as to form a party for the unemployed. However, his presence in the parliament is an indication to that their voices can be heard. Some of the February 20 leaders, who do not belong to the Islamic Justice and Charity group, might lean towards taking part in the same experience pending the outcomes of the changes. This way, the angry youth might not end up resenting everything. They are also monitoring the outcomes of the experiences of the Arab countries. Some of them might push in the direction of taking advantage of the mistakes by mixing the opposition with the practice of legitimate political work. Undoubtedly, the partisan figures have taken into account the fact that containing the protest movements is better than confronting them, at least when it comes to attracting the young voters who constitute the demographic force and the political credit that might bring success to this side or that. In previous [electoral] deadlines, the phenomenon of abstaining from voting and the lack of voter turnout increased. The image changed to a great extent during the dealing with the constitutional referendum since the latter was detached from partisan conflicts. In case the experience was to be repeated, even if it was slightly lacking, then this will be an encouraging indication on the road of political merger. The only thing left is that all the partners should define their positions in the upcoming heated conflict. Perhaps the new thing about the upcoming alliances is that they are not restricted to old versions of the practices that preceded the growth of the youth protests. They have rather been weaved in the horizon of alliances that were born in, and will go back to the Street.
