A simple question: how does former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak feel, being detained at the hospital, with the leaders of his regime in prison or waiting for their turn to be tried in court for the sectarian strife in Imbaba, or before it in Atfih, and between the two in Duweiqa, Manshiet Nasser and Abu Qirqas? There is no need to think long to find the answer, as Mubarak in such a case would say, in colloquial Egyptian, “they got what they deserve”, meaning of course the Egyptians, while he and the leaders of his regime of course wish that Egypt would “go up in flames”, as perhaps setting it on fire could provide them all with an way out! Mubarak said it frankly in his first speech after the revolution erupted: “it is either me or chaos”. Meanwhile, the leaders of his regime had all wished to flee the country and follow Minister of Trade and Industry Rachid Mohamed Rachid and Minister of Finance Youssef Boutros-Ghali, before going to jail. That is why those benefiting from defeating the revolution and smearing its purity, from spreading chaos and igniting violence in the absence of laws and deterrents, and from “Lebanizing”, “Iraqizing” or “Somalizing” Egypt are well known, and they certainly hope to stop the prosecution of Mubarak, his son and his men, or to enable them all to flee the country. And whether some of the former President's companions are behind such events or not, they wish for the revolution, the igniters of which had chanted “the people want to overthrow the regime”, to turn into a loathsome model, one that would spare them a sure fate and represent at the same time their revenge against the people who rebelled or did not quell the revolution. It is no secret that the former regime made use of the “baltagiya” (thugs), sponsored them and funded or coerced them in order to implement policies and measures taken against either the opposition or the crowds of protesters every time a hint of protests would appear, or in order to assist the state apparatus in arousing panic, when terrorizing becomes the solution for a regime that realizes the extent of the people's hatred of it. The “baltagiya” appeared at every election, ensuring the success of the candidates of the formerly ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) by all means necessary. They were also active at every opposition protest, harassing the protesters, assaulting and dispersing them, or chasing members of the press and the media and preventing them from performing their duty to convey facts to people. It is also no secret that the former regime's apparatus, its party and its associates would sometimes sow sectarian strife and would water its roots, to maintain a crop they could exploit every time the regime needed to stabilize its supporting pillars, which would shake under the pressure of the people's hatred. And after the attempts to sow discord between the people and the army failed, the protests of special interest groups calmed down and life nearly returned to normal across the country, it became imperative to turn the slogan of the revolution into “the people want to overthrow the state”. And there no better way than awakening civil strife to demolish the state and strike at its constituents, especially as the outcome of 30 years of Mubarak's rule has produced large numbers of balatgiya, as well circumstances that would help to ignite strife. Not long ago, the issue of Camelia was cause for sectarian strife that has not ended to this day. Today, the issue of Abeer has come to increase its fire and its flames. In the future, there will be a Souad, Hanaa or Safaa, as long as the soil is fertile for spreading the seeds of strife, without its weeds being pulled out and done away with. It is true that the police remains absent, except for a presence of pure form without any effect on reality. It is also true that the army abstains from entering into clashes with citizens, regardless of their the views they support, and suffices itself with dispersing brawls here and there, then prosecuting those arrested in military courts. But this alone will not put a stop to civil strife and will not save a revolution, as neither did the police rebel nor did the army ignite the revolution, even if it protected it and did not oppose or seek to thwart it. This raises the question about the role of the people in protecting their revolution and the task of the young people who rebelled and ignited the revolution. Where do they stand on what is happening? It is nice that they are busy forming political parties, participating in conferences and appearing on satellite television shows, and it is only natural for them to be interested in the new constitution, the future of government in the country or the laws that need to be developed, yet it is also important for them to realize that their search for a perfect constitution and new laws, and their debate about the shape of the state, the nature of rule, presidential or parliamentary, the method for electing Members of Parliament, individually or by list, and the safeguards that ensure freedom of suffrage and the fairness of the elections, are all aimed at establishing justice, putting a stop to oppression and restore the right of freedom and of belief to the people, and that this requires them to do more than found parties, participate in conferences or appear on satellite television. Indeed, the state the street is in entices the disorderly to more disorder, the predators to more predation, and the criminals to more crime. The method of offering false displays of affection, raising the slogan of “the crescent and the cross”, resorting to clerics and priests every time the law is broken in order to appease those who have been angered, convincing this or that group to stop protesting, banning protests or stifling civil strife, will result only in further losses for the revolution, around which struggle internal and external forces eager to corrupt it.
