The atrocious manner in which the regime of Muammar Gaddafi has dealt with the bold uprising of the Libyan people against tyranny has led to a seldom cooperation and coordination between the Arab community and the International community which will yield a significant and positive outcome. The Arab League managed to reinvent itself this week, mainly because of the appalling way in which Gaddafi responded to protests by his people. Until recently, the Arab League restricted its duties and its raison d'être, to being exclusively a gathering for Arab States, governments and regimes. But today, because of the strong stances it has taken against the Libyan regime, the Arab League acted as an institution concerned with the people, not just regimes. This is an important and favorable precedent, especially as the Arab region is in the process of reshaping itself and is undergoing some radical transformations that could very well give rise to a New Regional Order. It would be most advantageous for the Arab League to redefine itself and the roles. The stern measures taken by the Council of the Arab League against the Libyan regime – including the de facto suspension of its membership until it corrects its course in dealing with the people – impacted the UN Security Council in a direct and unprecedented manner through the content of a Statement echoing the tone of condemnation and censure. The coming days and weeks require building on this transformation, cooperation and coordination to take measures that could represent other precedents- and not only in the context of action taken within Libya if Gaddafi persists in his obstinacy. The interaction between the way the Arab League tackles the developments in the Middle East and how developments are dealt with at the UN Security Council will impact the nature of Arab influence in shaping the future of Arabs both locally and internationally. It might be said that Arab states have been quick to distance themselves from the Gaddafi family, since the latter's madness and its threats to the Libyan people left them with no other choice, and because no one wanted to appear as though they are condoning this kind of violence and bankruptcy. It might also be said that Secretary-General Amr Moussa is preparing to run for President of Egypt, after the winds of change blew on Egypt and stunned the entire Arab region. Even if those two assumptions are correct, the statement that was issued by the meeting of the Council of the Arab League on Tuesday took an unprecedented tone. Barring the Libyan delegation from participation in the Arab League Council meetings was coupled with a mechanism and a timeframe for holding the Libyan regime to account through agreeing to “look into the extent of the Libyan Jamahiriya's commitment” to implement demands at the ministerial meeting next Wednesday. What is also striking about the statement is the fact that Arab leaders seem to have been forced to comply with the demands of the peoples that rose up in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain. The statement thus mentioned, “[We] assert that achieving the aspirations of Arab peoples and their demands for freedom, reform, development, democratic change and social justice is a legitimate matter that must be respected and guaranteed”. Naturally, Arab regimes do not encourage efforts to overthrow regimes or uprisings demanding accountability to spread to their own home soil. Perhaps most of them have started to think about steps to contain such trends, or to pander to them, or to even truly heed the messages and the lessons of these uprisings and the Arab youth's boisterous call for change. But it will be the pace at which reforms, democratic change, respect for freedoms and guarantees of justice are introduced that will ultimately determine the future of the Arab regimes. The Libyan stop of the march of the Arab uprising has been most astonishing in terms of both the actions of the people and those of the regime. The Libyan people, whom Muammar Gaddafi counted on “dwarfing” into becoming mere subjects of Gaddafism, were the beautiful surprise. In the minds of many, the Libyans were a people oppressed to such an extent that they would never be able to rebel. But the people indeed rebelled, persevered and challenged repression and oppression with an audaciousness that deserves to be saluted. As for the regime, it surprised the whole world with its morbid attachment to power and bloodthirsty tyranny. Even Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi, whom Libyan opposition circles had once considered him to represent a chance for reform, shocked the Libyan people and the world with the extent of his father's dictatorship's apparent influence on him and by daring to threaten the Libyan people who had once pinned their hopes on him. Such extensive misreading of the political map produced by the Uprisings For Accountability in Tunisia and Egypt only reflects the sick obsession with power and tyranny that makes the Gaddafi family blind to the tide of history besieging it. They are committing collective suicide and they seem willing to butcher large scores of Libyans and others, along with them. There no longer is an exit strategy for Muammar Gaddafi out of his predicament; he has already gone too far. The question now is: what will transpire from now until the end? Many governments have stopped short of demanding Gaddafi to step down, perhaps for fear of exacting revenge on their nationals present in Libya. The United Nations has staff there too. There are tremendous numbers of Egyptians in Libya. The Americans and Europeans working in the oil, financial and infrastructure sectors are at the mercy of this regime which may decide to hinder their evacuation efforts. Most of the world is counting on the possible collapse of the military wing of the regime- a scenario in which soldiers and low-ranking officers would refuse to carry out the leadership's orders. Signs of this happening have already begun to appear. Nevertheless, what many fear is the extent of the measures Gaddafi might resort to which could include starting fires to scorch Libya and its oil resources in realization of the concept of “upon myself and my enemies” and in a manner reminiscent of the history of tyrants and of the burning of Rome. Indeed, Gaddafi told the Libyans that they are now his own enemy having renounced what he considers to be “Gaddafi's Libya”. Libyan diplomats in various capitals including the Libyan delegation at the United Nations have rushed to demand that a no-fly zone be imposed on the country's airspace, in anticipation of the orders Gaddafi might go in this terrifying direction. While the Security Council issued a strong statement against the Libyan regime, it did not adopt a resolution with measures such as imposing a no-fly zone, demanding an inquiry or providing protection to the people of Libya by means of international intervention. Russia has opposed such measures and China opposed even a mention of the Internet and the freedom of communication through it. But if the Libyan regime continues the process of “cleansing” Libya house by house or of turning it into “a river of blood”, as the Gaddafi family has threatened to do, then the Security Council will have to look into the options it is being asked to consider. This would include imposing a travel ban on the Gaddafi family, freezing their assets, and prosecuting those who violate international laws and human rights by perpetrating massacres and by using live ammunition on civilians, all as a first step. Other possible measures include imposing a ban on arms exports to Libya, punishing the mercenaries, and prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity. The principle of the International Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) may be applied for the first time in Libya, an idea currently under discussion. Also being discussed is the possibility of the Security Council tasking the International Criminal Court (ICC) with preparing cases against those who commit grave violations such as war crimes and crimes against humanity. This would mean prosecuting the Gaddafi family and the leaders of the regime who carry out orders. All of these matters have been discussed, not just at the Security Council, but also between the United Nations and the Arab League. The Security Council is listening closely to the Arab League, paying attention to its positions, and is seeking to cooperate with it. And because the stances taken by the Arab League seem to have a direct impact on the Security Council at this stage, it is important for the Arab League to maintain contact with the Security Council and share its views on how to address the Libyan crisis. While internationalizing the Libyan issue is indeed on the table, what is new this time is that the Arabs are taking part in the internationalization of an Arab matter. There is of course hesitation and there are many reasons behind it. They include not only the positions of Russia and China, but also the fear of instability spreading to such an extent as to fragment and partition Libya through a tribal civil war that would have no end on the short term. Some believe that the regime will fall soon, after having lost control of half of the country. Others fear that the bloody crackdown may lead people back into submission. Although the whole world today is focused on Libya, it cannot help but take a peek at what will also transpire in Yemen, Bahrain and Iran. The army in Libya has not sided with the people because some army battalions answer to senior figures in the regime and to Gaddafi's sons. There is a similar situation in Yemen, where the army battalions are under the command of the President and his family, and where complex tribal considerations also echo those of Libya. The leadership in Yemen is sending signals that it will take all necessary steps to prevent Ali Abdullah Saleh's 32 year reign from collapsing in the way Muammar Gaddafi's 42 year reign is now coming to an end. In fact, there is in Yemen a secessionist movement in the South, the Houthi movement in the North and presence by Al-Qaeda throughout various parts of the country. But only if Ali Abdullah Saleh implements real and radical reform immediately, along with solemnly pledging not to nominate himself or his son as candidates for the presidency and to change the electoral system, can he save Yemen from meeting the same fate as Libya, and save himself from meeting the same fate as Muammar Gaddafi. Any delay in doing so spells disaster. The lessons of Libya must be a wake-up call for Yemen- that it should fathom the immediate necessity of introducing such reforms. The people's patience is ever waning with the rapid pace of developments. Bahrain taught a different lesson. The leadership soon realized its mistakes and rushed to take measures for a sober dialogue that may result in meeting the demands of the opposition and containing any attempts to ride the wave for sectarian reasons and goals. The situation in Bahrain is different from the one that prevailed in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. Nevertheless, immediate reform is crucial and necessary. The world today is not paying much attention to Iran. Instead, the Iranian regime is closely following developments in the Arab arena and closely watching how far will governments and the United Nations will go to markedly continue to avoid taking a similar approach to Iran as the one they have adopted towards Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. The Iranian regime is to a great extent benefiting from the developments in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, and particularly those in Bahrain. Nevertheless, it is well aware that the Arab uprising may very well have an adverse effect on the Iranian regime at the end of day. It is well aware that the international community might ultimately have to take similar stances against the Iranian regime's oppression of its people, as those it is currently taking with respect to the Libyan regime's crackdown on its people. For this reason, the Iranian regime is nervous and is showing signs of anxiety. And in this, it is not alone.
