“The Battles of Tash Ma Tash: A Reading of the Prohibition Mentality in the Saudi Society” By Dr. Badriah Al-Bishr THIS book is set to spark wide-ranging debate in Saudi society. Its author, Dr. Badriah Al-Bishr, who is a journalist and social researcher, suggests that the fatwa regarding banning ‘Tash Ma Tash' was not welcomed in Saudi Arabia. Her suggestion is sensitive. ‘Tash Ma Tash' is the hit Saudi TV comedy series that runs during the holy month of Ramadan. Al-Bishr is the wife of Nasser Al-Qasabi, one of the two heroes of the serial. In The Battles of Tash Ma Tash: A Reading of the Prohibition Mentality in the Saudi Society that's soon to be launched in Saudi Arabia, Al-Bishr writes that the fatwa issued by the Board of Senior Ulema in December 2000 regarding prohibiting the production, promotion and running of Tash Ma Tash, created a split at every level of Saudi society. She says society is divided over some people saying that “Tash Ma Tash” has the right to shed light on the negative aspects of society and others maintaining that it tackles sensitive issues and distorts social reality. The author notes that the fatwa, although it was publicly distributed in mosques and schools, was totally ignored by the media. Her conclusion is that the serial's continued run on state TV and its high advertisement revenues reflect both the extent of viewer interest and the defeat of the fatwa. Reviewed in the book with synopses and viewer reactions are five episodes deemed the most appalling by those against the TV series. Among these are “An Academic Terrorist', “Without a Mahram”, “What A Good Education We Have!” and “The Beard”. Al-Bishr believes that for anything new to gain acceptance in Saudi society it should get through “the gate of prohibition.” She says that Saudi society has suffered a lot from the prohibition mentality that has people feeling as if they are trudging along in a dark tunnel. That said, however, she reminds the reader that other prohibitions of the past, such as those against the TV, radio, car and also education of girls, have become invalid as all these have become essential aspects of Saudi life today. Muslim Brotherhood The book opens with an analysis titled “Prohibition Mentality” that is characterized by intellectual narrow-mindedness, mental stagnancy and a tendency to regard one's beliefs as absolute, everlasting and transcendental. Such people have a singular interpretation of things and refuse to accept or even discuss other interpretations, says Al-Bishr. They counter other opinions with verbal or physical violence. Theirs are in fact diseased mentalities embodying fanaticism, inflexible emotions, narrow values and a dubious attitude toward woman. In presenting the prohibition mentality, the author also reviews the history of the movements it has provoked. She refers in particular to the 1921-1927 Muslim Brotherhood Movement and its mutiny against King Abdul Aziz, especially after the annexation of the Hejaz and the King's declaration of his intention to stop the conquests and start working on the development and stability of the newborn state. The situation aggravated when King Abdul Aziz signed treaties with Britain, paved the way for new inventions and refused to fight Saudi Shiites who the Movement considered as non-Muslims. This led to a military confrontation between the King and the Movement, in which the King emerged victorious. According to the author, the King stated to the religious scholars that they constituted the second wing of political rule in the Kingdom, and he tried as much as he could to convince them to accept the new inventions and the inclusion of scientific courses in the curricula of male students. Yet the scholars disapproved, compelling the King then to go ahead and welcome the new inventions and include the science courses. Al-Bishr focuses on such startling aspects of the prohibition mentality as the dubious view of education and the content of scientific courses, especially the perception that the reality of a spherical Earth is contrary to the Islamic Shariah. Other objections are over educating girls and extra-curricular activities like football. Also stemming from this mentality is the accusation of heresy and atheism against teachers from other Arab countries. The author goes on to refer to the narrow-minded view of the media and the pursuit of pure pleasure, wherein the television is dismissed as a means of moral deviation, singing as a great sin, photography as a form of polytheism, clapping the hands as an emulation of Lut's people, wearing the military uniform and salutation as aspects of atheism, and smoking as an evil like alcoholism. Juhaiman movement In presenting her arguments, Al-Bishr offers a historical review of Juhaiman Al-Otaibi's Movement, who with his supporters occupied the Holy Mosque in Makkah on Nov. 20, 1979. She mentions that another group affiliated to the movement tried to occupy the Prophet's Mosque in Madina, but it was thwarted by the security forces. She traces the Juhaiman movement back to the 1960s when a group called ‘Ahl Al-Hadith' emerged from the Islamic University in Madina. This group spawned a dissident group led by the Juhaiman Movement which emulated the Muslim Brotherhood and refused to declare allegiance to Saudi rule. The Juhaiman Movement expressed its rebellion by putting ink on the banknote picture of the King, abrogating the allegiance and prohibiting governmental positions. Muslim scholars tried to make the group reconsider its views, but it refused and its members left Madina to live in the desert where they set up training to prepare for the 1979 Makkah siege and their goal of establishing an alternative state. But this dream collapsed when their occupation of the Holy Mosque was smashed. Yet, despite the group's debacle, cosmetic salons and beauty centers were closed afterwards, female singers were never shown on TV, female students were prevented from studying abroad, and the number of male students studying abroad was minimized. The author also tackles the nearly decade-long Afghan story from the American-Soviet confrontation and Gulf support, to the Soviet evacuation of 1989. She notes that when the Saudi mujahideen came home afterwards they started to oppose any form of modernism. They found their chance to fight Saudi rule in two situations: when the government decided to let in foreign troops to liberate Kuwait in 1990 and when women demonstrated in Riyadh for the right to drive. The government reacted very strongly in the first situation and used scholars' fatwas in the second situation. Al-Bishr also talks about Asorouriah as a sub-branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. She believes that it is a terrorist strain that objects to the values of tolerance, democratic plurality, open media and cultural activities, all in the name of religion and taking the Taleban as an example to be followed. She says such zealots saw themselves as “guardians of virtue” and terrorized the press, creative Saudis and minimized the presence of females on TV. 9/11 turning point The 9/11 attacks resulted in a global campaign against terrorism, which saw the fall of the Taleban in Afghanistan and the war against Al-Qaeda. It also resulted in increasing media attacks against religious fundamentalism, which were particularly severe against the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice and which prompted calls for religious curricula to be changed. Against this backdrop, the author devotes a whole chapter to the reaction towards “Tash Ma Tash” in the form of news reports or critiques of the serial. The serial, she declares, became a turning point in the history of the Saudi media when it gave viewers the chance to participate in writing its sixth part; in effect this allowed the common people to not only watch but also write the narrative. The serial divided people not only at the local level, but also at the Gulf and Arab levels, says Al-Bishr. She writes that some people thought for a while that the government supported the serial as a kind of outlet for the people but when some episodes were rejected and parts of others were cut, such conviction was eliminated. Some people, she says, saw the different dialects and costumes used in the serial as reflecting the cultural diversity in the country, while some others saw the scorn towards certain areas and how the people in the capital generally look down upon those belonging to other areas. Three categories The author divides those opposed to the serial into three categories: the first because it distorts their values, the second represented by a number of writers, journalists, producers and academics who want the serial to be censored, and the third who claim that the serial twists sacred religious concepts, especially when discussing issues such the hejab and the discrepancy between religious appearance and “deviant” reality. The author devotes Chapter 3 to the oppositionists, by reviewing five of the serial's most shocking episodes, including “An Academic Terrorist”, “ Without a Mahram”, “What A Good Education We Have!” and “The Beard.” She says the fatwa issued by the Board of Senior Ulema in December 2000 regarding prohibiting the production, promotion and running of the serial initiated the 2003 demonstration around the TV building in Riyadh calling for a ban on the serial, and it also encouraged the protesters to hire a lawyer to sue the serial's producers. Calls were made on websites to liquidate the heroes of the serial, accompanied by maps of the houses of the heroes. The serial had very daringly criticized terrorism, talking about its resources. For those involved in the serial, it was a trying battle, especially in the wake of the terrorist attacks in Riyadh in 2003. Some free-thinking writers, nonetheless, strongly supported the serial claiming that it helped a lot to encourage criticism of the negative aspects of Saudi society. These free writers have had to go through a tough war to gain support, says Al-Bishr. – Al-Arabiya Television __
