THURSDAY was the 60th anniversary of the day Mao Zedong stood on the platform at Tiananmen Square and announced the formation of the People's Republic of China. But the revolution that millions of Chinese are really celebrating began 30 years ago – under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping. For the Chinese who had for years endured Japanese occupation, 1949 brought the promise of a new era. But a decade later, the puffed-up National Day celebrations could not mask the widespread starvation that resulted from Mao's commune system. Later, Mao's Red Guards terrorized the country, killing intellectuals and officials. The world shrank away. At a low point in the Cultural Revolution, China had only one ambassador abroad, in Cairo. In isolation, China fell far behind other East Asian countries. Like Germans who asked why they followed the Nazis, thoughtful Chinese still wonder why they continued to follow Mao even after disaster struck. Outsiders also ask why a population that has rejected communist utopianism and class struggle still celebrates the 60th anniversary under a large portrait of Mao in Tiananmen Square. One reason is that after Mao's death, Chinese leaders considered how the entire Soviet leadership lost political authority after 1956, when Khrushchev thoroughly denounced Stalin. They thus decided to keep images of Mao even as they departed from his visions and ideology. Also, the Chinese understand that Mao's achievements of the first seven years of the revolution, especially in unifying the country and building local organizations, formed a base for what his successors accomplished. Still, most Chinese recognize that the true revolution belongs to Deng Xiaoping. No specific reforms were as important as his persistence in further opening China's doors and encouraging its people to scour the world for new ideas in science, technology and management. One first step was to promote talent at home. Many universities had been closed during the Cultural Revolution, which ended with Mao's death in 1976. When he returned to power in 1977, Deng embarked on a colossal rush to hold national entrance examinations and reopen universities. Deng also frequently invited Chinese-American scientists for talks. His key question was always: How can China catch up in science? In 1978, when Frank Press, President Jimmy Carter's science adviser, visited China, he was taken aback when Deng proposed sending far more students and faculty to the United States than Dr. Press had the mandate to offer. Deng was so insistent on a quick answer that Dr. Press called President Carter, waking him in the middle of the night. President Carter immediately accepted Deng's proposals. In the 30 years since Deng started his revolution and further opened China's doors to foreign trade and investment, hundreds of millions have risen above the poverty level, China has become the workshop of the world, urban slums have been replaced by forests of modern high-rise buildings, superhighways have succeeded dirt roads and cars have displaced donkey carts. To be sure, the last 30 years have had plenty of problems – corruption, crackdowns on dissidents, environmental degradation, unequal educational opportunities and a failing rural health system. Chinese leaders lacking confidence in their ability to maintain public order are not likely to listen to Western advice on how to handle human rights, minorities and dissidents. China will move at its own pace, but Deng's revolution demonstrated that it is able to take positive lessons from the West. So on this 60th anniversary, we should join in the celebration of the Deng revolution and not be distracted by the portrait of Mao hanging in Tiananmen Square. – New York Times Ezra F. Vogel, a professor emeritus of social sciences at Harvard, is writing a book about Deng Xiaoping. __
