WILL Dmitri A. Medvedev ever be his own man? That question, which arose soon after President Vladimir V. Putin named Medvedev as his successor, has yet to be settled. If anything, the notion has only deepened in recent weeks that while Medvedev will occupy the Kremlin after May 7, Putin will continue to control it from his new post as prime minister. Still, whether or not this will be a proper or effective arrangement, it seems to be one that many Russians want. In December, Putin, who is limited to two terms under the Constitution, endorsed Medvedev, a first deputy prime minister and longtime aide. With the Kremlin championing his candidacy and using its authority to squeeze the opposition, Medvedev coasted to victory on March 2. Since then, he has unveiled no major staff appointments, changes in the structure of government or strikingly new proposals. While heir to almighty czars and general secretaries, he comes across as the dutiful senior bureaucrat he once was, a former law professor who seems more interested in doing a line-by-line budget analysis for fiscal 2010 than in rousing this nation forward. He gives speeches calling for more housing and less corruption, faster Internet connections and an assortment of other unobjectionable measures. He reviews legislation with aides and greets an occasional head of state. Sometimes, he is shown on television mustering up a public scolding of a ham-handed government agency, as if he were trying out a few tough-guy mannerisms picked up from his mentor, Putin. It is an oddly low-key performance, yet one that seems to be in tune with Russians' preferences. Medvedev is taking office against the backdrop of a Russian resurgence that contrasts with the financial tumult in much of the world. Spurred by revenue from high oil prices, the economy grew by 8 percent last year, and foreign investment in Russia has soared. Once a pauper, Russia has squirreled away hundreds of billions of dollars in hard currency reserves. Malls are being erected across the country, and Wal-Mart just announced that it might soon open up for business there. Consumer confidence in Russia has reached its highest level since before the financial collapse of 1998, according to new government data. In light of all this, the public's most pressing demand, it seems, is that the government not disrupt the relative stability. If that means that Putin dominates a puppet presidency, then so be it. And there are signs that things are headed that way. Consider this week's events, when it was hard to tell which leader was the president-elect and which was the lame duck. At a convention of the ruling party, Putin announced that he would become its chairman, giving him another power base. Medvedev was on the sidelines, delivering one more testimonial to Putin. Putin's leadership of the party, Medvedev declared, will “serve to strengthen and develop the main democratic institutions of our society.” Putin did not exactly return the favor. He mentioned Medvedev in his speech, but lingered mostly on his own accomplishments and the successes of the party, United Russia, which he created. On Wednesday, Putin went to Libya to hold talks with its leader, Muammar Gaddafi, before heading to Italy to meet with Silvio Berlusconi, who was just elected prime minister. Medvedev stayed home. Back in Moscow on Friday, Putin is scheduled to discuss the situation in the Mideast with the visiting Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. Perhaps Medvedev will stop by to say hello. Medvedev has not skirted weighty topics. For example, he has repeatedly described corruption as one of Russia's most grievous problems, saying that the legal system needs to be greatly strengthened. But at least so far, he has not put forth any plans to do so. In fact, any attempt to shore up the independence of the courts to combat corruption would diminish the centralized authority of Putin and the Kremlin. Medvedev, 42, has offered occasional flashes of personality in recent months that distinguish him from Putin, 55. Addressing an Internet conference, he showed that he was technically savvy, was familiar with social networking and had spent time on Odnoklassniki, the hugely popular Russian version of Classmates.com. “I found about 630 Dmitri Medvedevs,” he said. “Some of them looked a lot like me, almost like twins.” But Russians still widely identify him as Putin's loyal aide, and approvingly so. In one recent poll, 80 percent of the respondents said they believed that Medvedev was put in office by powerful interests, not the populace. Almost the same percentage said they preferred that he hew to the course set by Putin. “It is exactly a continuation that people want,” said Denis Volkov, an analyst at the Levada Center in Moscow, which conducted the poll. “It is not so much a hope for the better. It is most of all a hope that things are not going to get worse.” Medvedev has generally brushed aside questions about playing the understudy, but in an interview that he gave for a biography, he did acknowledge skeptical views of his new role. “I am also sure that there are people who will perceive the structure in their own way, who will look for flaws in it,” he said in comments released by his office. “They will be doing what people usually do in politics, that is, political maneuvering,” he said. “But we are adult enough for this. We will manage.” __
