Nothing reveals the calamitous failure of American adventure in Iraq more than the fact that 10 years after the war, this Arab country remains one of the most unstable and one of the most violent in the world. And nothing reveals the Iraqi leadership's shortsightedness than their move to enlist US help to set things right. More than 1,000 Iraqis were killed in terror-related attacks in July, the deadliest month since 2008. August looks to be no better. Seven people were killed in attacks in and around the capital city of Baghdad on Friday. At least 40 people lost their lives on Thursday. The Iraqi government also reported the death of 38 militants during a recent security operation in Anbar province. So people are getting killed in terrorist bombings, internecine strife and security operations. If the Baghdad government has its way, very soon Iraqis may get killed in US drone attacks as well. Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said Friday that Iraqi forces need US help to stem the tide of violence. US assistance package, he suggested, could include a limited number of advisers, intelligence analysis and surveillance assets like lethal drones. Zebari seems to be forgetting that what is happening in Iraq now is only a continuation, in an intensified form, of something that began with the 2003 war and a decade-long occupation. The fact remains that the dark forces, foreign or indigenous, now playing havoc with Iraq's future, are a direct result of the US invasion and the punitive sanctions that preceded it. After the Sept. 11 attacks, President George W. Bush, in an attempt to drum up support for the war tried to link Saddam Hussein with Al-Qaeda. But Iraq became a “safe haven” for an assortment of terrorist groups only after the invasion. These groups could win Iraqi backing for two reasons: Any people would resent the presence of foreign troops in their country, especially if the occupying forces employ high-handed tactics to enforce their will. By excluding Baathists from military and government services, the occupying authorities polarized the Iraqi society. Now Washington is trying to present Syrian instability as the core of the problem for Iraq. The fact is even if Syria were to remain an ocean of calm, Iraq would still be unstable and on the boil. The reason is the faulty political deal stitched together by Washington which by effectively excluding Sunnis from all decision-making powers sharpened sectarian divisions. Eruption of widespread violence in Baghdad within hours of the withdrawal of American troops showed how fragile this political order was. Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki's authoritarian style only made things worse. To US President Barack Obama, he leads “Iraq's most inclusive government yet." But on the day the last US combat troops left the country, Maliki turned against his Sunni Vice President Tariq Al-Hashimi, leveling baseless charges against him. He deployed the state security apparatus against his Sunni critics saying they have sympathies with the banned Baath party. So the key to Iraq's problems lies not in Damascus or America's pilotless aircraft. Syrian war and the Iraq war may not merge into a bigger regional war, as UN envoy Martin Kobler fears. But narrow-minded political leadership in Baghdad and reliance on an outside power who was the source of most of Iraq's present ills may make the region more volatile and more explosive.
