The high-profile assassination of another opposition leader in six months has put Tunisia's Ennahda government in an extremely unfavorable light. On Interior Minister Lotfi Ben Jeddou's own admission, “the same 9-millimeter automatic weapon that killed Chokri Belaid six months earlier also killed Mohamed Brahmi.” Belaid, head of the Party of Democratic Patriots (PPD), was a fierce opponent of the Islamist Ennahda. Brahmi, general coordinator of the Popular Movement and member of the National Constituent Assembly, was shot dead outside his home in Ariana near Tunis on Thursday. The same gunman or group killing two opposition politicians with the same weapon and the government appearing unable to do anything about it apart from describing the ideological orientation of the assassins! What is happening in Tunisia, the birthplace of the Arab Spring? French Interior Minister Manuel Valls linked the Belaid assassination to a rise in "Islamic fascism." Nejib Chebbi of the liberal opposition Jomhouri (Republican) Party thinks the assassinaion of Brahimi “signifies the death of the democratic process in Tunisia.” The first can be dismissed as rhetorical rubbish and the second as too alarmist. But the fact remains that there is something seriously wrong with the way Ennahda is running the country. The latest assassination has led to growing calls from secular opponents for the government to resign and hold fresh elections. There are complaints of serious security lapses and administrative incompetence. Worse, many believe the Ennahda government isn't interested in stopping attacks by militants on its liberal and secular rivals. The party was already under pressure for its failure to handle a faltering economy and meet popular expectations. Its failure or unwillingness to crack down on a rising extremist movement has only made things worse. Police had to fire teargas late on Saturday to disperse violent protests in the southern town of Sidi Bouzid, cradle of the country's revolution and hometown of Brahmi. Tensions are running high in Tunisia. This is unfortunate. Tunisia was the first “Arab Spring” nation, and Ennahda, a Muslim Brotherhood-styled faction, won the elections held after the revolution that brought down dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in 2011. More important, it set an example for political accommodation by agreeing to form a coalition with two secular parties. Prolonged instability is the last thing this Arab nation needs when it is trying to complete the political transition. A new constitution has been written and will be voted on in the coming weeks. Prime Minister Ali Larayedh has promised that elections for a new president would be held before the end of the year. In a bid to stave off unrest amid intensifying protests, secular coalition partners of Ennahda are holding talks with the opposition to reach a new power-sharing deal. So there is a chance, perhaps the last one, to avoid an Egypt-like situation in Tunisia which is the most secular of the Arab nations with a large educated middle class and close ties to Europe. Unlike in Egypt, the Tunisian military has scrupulously avoided getting involved in politics. Ennahda, unlike the Brotherhood, has shown a willingness to work with secular opponents. All this should encourage hopes that “the last candle will remain lit,” as Rachid Ghannouchi, the leader of Ennahda, said comparing Tunisia to other Arab countries that revolted against dictatorship, but have since known political instability.
