It is inappropriate for a journalist or a reporter to address an issue that concerns the performance of a fellow journalist, writer or broadcaster. Yet the issue of the suspension of Bassem Youssef's television show goes far beyond that of a mere disagreement between an Egyptian satellite television network and the company that produces the show. It goes beyond Youssef's style and sarcasm, or shall we say mockery, aimed at people in power or in the opposition, and at parties governing or being governed, and beyond the foul language which no episode of his show is ever devoid of. Indeed, all of this can be agreed or disagreed upon, and is open to various points of view, whether by those who are neutral or are experts on the topic, or by those who view the matter according to their own political orientation or interests. The issue, which has stirred controversy in Egypt and abroad, and has raised fears of a return to repressing the media and restricting freedoms, essentially reflects the situation reached by Egypt after the January 25 Revolution, the chaos that has stricken the country in its wake, the opportunism of the elite, the weakness of political parties, and the general lack of awareness. Those who have opposed suspending the show, and who represent a political movement that places the state and the Muslim Brotherhood or the Islamists on an equal footing as the opposing sides of a conflict, have adopted their stance without taking into consideration the rules and norms of the media. And those who have voiced support for the ban and objections to the content of the show's previous episode have done so for political reasons. Yet more important is the fact that both had supported Youssef and promoted him when he had been one of the instruments that contributed to the downfall of the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, through his sarcasm and perhaps his audacity in attacking then-President Mohamed Morsi. The issue is settled then. The media in Egypt has become an instrument that has contributed to stirring up the people before and during the Revolution. And when the parties making up Egyptian society felt how important and how dangerous it was, they all sought to take advantage of it without abiding by any standards, save those of achieving one's interests. The truth is that the media under former President Hosni Mubarak had been quite bad, but anyone being fair would not fail to recognize that the media after the fall of Mubarak has become even worse. Indeed, the issue does not just concern the extent of freedom afforded to newspapers and television networks, but should also include in its assessment other standards that regard ownership, the funding of newspapers and television channels and its sources, as well as the level of performance and competence of those in charge of them and the extent to which journalists contribute to educating and enlightening society, in addition to presenting the facts to people. Activists have turned into journalists, writers and broadcasters, while journalists and broadcasters have become political activists. Businessmen have defended their interests with newspaper and television channels before being swept away by the current. The state has been absent and has kept itself busy with different concerns. The state media has left the competition, and the rules of the profession have been undermined. Everyone raced to breach the codes of honor of the media, the press, sincerity, and truth. Thus, the same event can now be watched on a channel or read about in a newspaper with conflicting interpretations and contradictory information being provided. People accepted for journalists to express their opinion while delivering the news, and for broadcasters to voice their political orientation on their television shows, and in fact applauded them and encouraged them to violate every law and break every rule. And because the profession is based on competition, the competitors have competed in bad taste, lack of awareness, spreading lies, overlooking rudeness, tastelessness, inflaming emotions, and inciting hatred and violence. This is not about stopping "El-Bernameg" or allowing it to be aired. Rather, this is about a country in which the media now contains all sorts of poisons. And as long as the poison serves the interests of those of one political orientation or another, they will turn a blind eye and even contribute to it quenching people's thirst and feeding their passion for following news and current events. There is not one cultural program around which Egyptians gather on any Egyptian television channel, and no one exerts any effort to look for solutions to the problems people face in their daily lives or to help them survive in the difficult conditions created by the Revolution. Bassem Youssef has earned from the suspension of his show a reputation above his own, while his fellow journalists on other television shows and in most newspapers have drowned in "chatter", defending him or attacking him without looking for remedies to the general situation reached by Egyptian society. The scene appears to be one in which everyone insists on moving forward on the path they have chosen for themselves, and in which pharaohs indeed only die by drowning.
