Two and a half years into the regime's war against the Syrian society and people, the readers and viewers have the right to wonder about the meaning of the statements issued by Mr. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal in regard to the Syrian question among others. There is no point in discussing or thoroughly looking into what the man said, considering that his talk was unfounded and had no other reference except his honorable self. As for recipients, they can only believe what they hear and read, because it is being issued by the "professor". He is the founder of the school of televised appearances whose stars come out to inform us about matters which our limited awareness and slow minds can grasp, while hinting to the fact that they know other things they cannot reveal to preserve our serenity. Hence, politicians, clerics and "resistance fighters" have become accustomed to appearing before a public that believes in advance the veracity of what it will hear. The platforms and high balconies were always a means of separation between the unerring leader and the happy crowds of disciples. Today, giant screens, "security requirements", and voice messages have become material and psychological barriers between the truth held by the speaker in his isolation, and the obedient crowd in halls and homes. Heikal is not the only one practicing such behavior, and one can even say with confidence that he conveys to the public space a form of established social practice in our countries. Indeed, the patriarchal institution prevailing at home, at school, at university, and inside the state institutions, and regulating the foundations of the relationships between individuals and groups, had to transfer its discourse to the media and cultural fields. And just like the Arab people have to obey whoever manages to reach the presidential palace inadvertently, and deal with him as though he is the family's elder – as per the expression of President Anwar al-Sadat – they must equally endorse the statements of a 90-year old man because he covered the Battle of El-Alamein during World War II, and was the advisor of another immortal leader (another patriarch), i.e. Gamal Abdul Nasser. What was said above does not intend to generalize this vulgar behavior on all the elderly among ordinary individuals, politicians, or intellectuals. It rather aims to point out a phenomenon that has been undermining our societies for centuries, at a time when we are witnessing the rebuilding of the patriarchal values that were shaken by the Arab revolutions. Shedding light on Heikal's case is accompanied by the rise to power of a new master in Egypt, i.e. Abdul Fattah al-Sissi, in accordance with the same mechanisms of glorification, sanctification, and dissociation from democratic accountability. This goes against everything the youth on Tahrir Square had called for, despite the justifications saying that it came in response to their wish to get rid of Mubarak's corrupt regime and Morsi's exclusionary regime. But the paradox is that the recurrent submission to the political and cultural leaders produced media outlets specializing in the dissemination of ignorance to serve the leaders, professors, and their followers. This applies to known names in the worlds of knowledge and culture, whose shoulders and library shelves are filled with titles and rewards from honorable institutions in the East and West. Their acquired statuses thus place them outside the context of cognitive accountability, even if their minor sins touch, or even embrace the belittlement of the Arab reader's intelligence or the promotion of erroneous principles. In this context, wondering about the lack of serious critical studies tackling works that provoked wide controversy in the Arab world is justified. Indeed, principles instated by writers such as Mohammed Abed al-Jabri, Abdallah Laroui, Edward Said, and Mohammed Arkoun among others, now require no less than a critical reading with a new vision, that would reposition them in contexts distant from glorification and render them part of a lively and modern culture (and policy).
