It might be understandable for the Arab League and for influential Arab states to distance themselves from Somali affairs, knowing that this country's membership was accepted in the Arab community back when the Arabs - especially Egypt - had an African policy. However, it is not understandable for the Arabs to close their ears and mouths in the face of the crimes and killings being committed in Somalia, and towards Somali terrorist groups enjoying ties with Arab associations. It is no longer enough to hear the official and seasonal announcements about the confrontation of terrorism and the condemnation of the crimes committed in the name of Islam. We have heard justifications by analysts on Arab channels and read opinions in media outlets and on social communication websites in regard to the Nairobi massacre committed by members of the Somali Shabaab movement, pointing to Kenya's occupation of its northern neighbor, poverty in Somalia, the support of the Muslims, and the defeat of the infidels. If there is an Arab audience that still admires the practices of Al-Qaeda and its offshoots and glorifies terrorism after Afghanistan was proclaimed – via official fatwas – as the land of Jihad against Soviet occupation, a lot has happened since then, pushing Arab states and religious authorities to reassess their positions, especially following the September invasions. But these reassessments which emerged following extraordinary pressures practiced by former President George Bush's administration dissipate whenever a non-influential country on the international scene is subjected to such terrorism. This was in Nairobi a few days ago and in Kampala a few months earlier, and what is taking place in Nigeria on a quasi-daily basis in the name of Islam and the fighting of the infidels. The Arabs and their League have relinquished Somalia as an Arab country suffering a political, economic, and social crisis, especially following the Egyptian retreat from the African continent after President Hosni Mubarak assumed power and the surfacing of the Sudanese domestic crises. Consequently, the vacuum generated by the collapse of Siad Barre's centralized regime in Mogadishu was filled since the beginning of the nineties of last century by pre-state social formations (i.e. tribes and gangs) and Al-Qaeda representatives. The turmoil in Somalia then spilled over to the neighboring states, pushing the African side to react to contain it while the Arab side eluded any responsibility, especially after African forces attempted to protect the basic structures of a state in Mogadishu under international cover. Hence, the presence of international institutions and African forces was registered in the Somali capital, at a time when the Arab presence remained nonexistent on all levels. And apart from the only attempt deployed by Turkey and seen in the visit of its Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, the Islamic states and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation did not deem it necessary to directly stand in the face of the Takfiri groups, particularly those linked to Al-Qaeda such as the Shabaab movement. This might be due to their belief that this terrorism is still limited to the African continent and targeting Somalia and the Kenyan and Ugandan surrounding. Once again, the Arabs are unable to see that Somali terrorism might reach and target their territories, as it was done by its Afghan counterpart that struck inside Arab countries before settling in one of them, i.e. Yemen. The Nairobi massacre is a replica of the September invasions, as it featured the targeting of civilians at work and in shopping centers under the pretext of fighting the infidel state and killing the infidels. And so far, the Arab and Islamic handling of this massacre has repeated the same justifications issued following Al-Qaeda's targeting of the United States, and once again, the Arabs and Muslims did not consider the consequences of the two invasions, i.e. the destruction of Iraq and the strengthening of Iran to terrorize the Sunni Al-Qaeda.
