From time to time in Lebanon calls to abolish political sectarianism are reiterated. Its abolition has been and remains a dream held by a large part of the Lebanese, especially among the youth, and many of them sacrificed their lives for it at the beginning of the civil war in the 1970s. However, the identity of some of those who today call for abolishing sectarianism, their backgrounds and the positions they hold, make it a righteous cause being used to evil ends, raising doubts over their intentions. Some call for such abolition out of good will and the desire to raise the country's standing to that of the finest democracies and civilized countries. Others do so with negligence and out of ill will, aiming to exert political pressure on the segment of the Lebanese who feel their role to be increasingly threatened, i.e. the Christians, knowing that many of them would not mind bringing their country out of the predicament represented by political sectarianism and its repeated failure to protect modes of cohabitation, if the issue were approached in a carefully studied and methodical fashion, one that equates between all the constituents of society, and on the condition that one flaw not be replaced by another or the opportunity seized to impose the hegemony of one sect over the others. Those who raise the banner of abolishing political sectarianism, regardless of their various goals, know that this will not take place simply by removing the “religion” section from Lebanese ID cards or through short-lived circumstantial alliances between sects that serve the interest of this side or that party. Indeed, the issue is much more profound and its roots stretch over hundreds of years. Resolving it requires painstaking efforts involving the various aspects of Lebanese life and extensive debate in which all segments of Lebanese society would participate, in order to gradually prepare the coming generations to accept the idea of citizenship and give it priority over sectarian identity, especially when the latter stretches beyond the border. Such efforts would include school curriculums, history books and religious instruction, as well as raising children at home and getting them accustomed to the idea that they have neighbors and classmates who are different, while focusing on the idea of the rule of law and state institutions, as well as the principle of the finality and sovereignty of the country. But would this be possible today? The answer is quite simply no. Indeed, those who remember or are reminded that they should demand the abolition of political sectarianism, and most of them are loyal to a regional party closely involved with Lebanese affairs, only do this every time they feel an increase in Christian opposition to plans of hegemony and regional axes and alliances, and in the attachment of the Christians to sovereignty and their will to defend it. It is in such a framework that one can understand the campaigns against the Maronite Patriarch, the calls for recognizing numerical majority and the hints towards dividing state quotas into three (Christian-Sunni-Shiite) instead of two (Christian-Muslim). It is as if they want to say to the Christians: if you do not submit to the policy we define and accept the sphere we allocate you within it, we will seek to reduce your role after emigration reduced your numbers, to abolish your particularities and your individuality, to upset your already shaken tranquility and to obscure the future of your children and grandchildren. If political sectarianism reflects a Lebanese identity problem which the formula of the two no's (a Muslim no to demanding Arab unity, and a Christian no to belonging to the West) failed to resolve and which the Taif Agreement despite unanimity over it failed to pave the way to overcoming, then can it be abolished today in light of the presence of an armed sect that clings to its weapons and wagers on them to support its point of view and its authority of reference both in domestic and foreign affairs? And how can those who are bound to sectarian agendas, interests and positions suddenly become “secular”?
