French President François Hollande will be going to Algeria, then Morocco, carrying along a magic recipe called balance. His visit to Algeria is preceded by a debate on the possibility of apologizing for the crimes that his country committed against the resistance and the innocents, during its last occupation of the fortress of the one million martyrs. The Moroccans will be greeting him with a grand welcome under the premises of a special friendship that is still ridden with some blame. Nothing is more thrilling for both the Moroccans and the Algerians than to win over the French decision makers, even if the latter have been addressing the two countries with sweet talk that is invalidated by the ground facts. In fact, it seems to Paris that its interests are more important than pondering upon a still chess board. The Moroccans in turn had asked the French to re-visit history and pinpoint the backdrop of the ongoing crisis between Algeria and them, with regards to files that are border-related and historic. The Maghreb people have yet to get rid of the traditional French power grip over the North African region. In most of the files and cases that will grab the spotlights – including the Mali crisis, the Sahara conflict, the war against terrorism, the dealing with the situation of the Maghreb immigrants, the situation in the Middle East and the ordeal of the Syrian people – Paris will surely have a say in defining policies and positions. Until this day, Washington has failed to get rid of the French influence, even though Paris agrees with it on several issues. Indeed, the Maghreb countries have been affected by the economic and financial crises that hit the European strongholds. However, these countries are at a further distance from the American crisis, as a result of the nature of the economic and commercial ties between both. Paris has always made efforts to try to negotiate the status quo, whenever fetching positions and interests was at stake. Although the Middle East and North Africa are both equal parts of the American strategic structure, Paris has always kept North Africa as part of its own backyard, without however abandoning the other available spots. The French presence regressed. New competitors such as Spain, Italy and Portugal stepped into the line of the relationship with the countries of the southern Mediterranean basin, to an extent where Paris no longer monopolizes the economic and commercial power. However, Paris still has the lion's share, due to considerations pertaining to language, culture, and history. This means that there are some dimensions to adapt the relations between countries, which go beyond the renowned aspects of their apparent and superficial structures. The French Socialists were not too far from the logic of balance. Indeed, the stances of politicians when they are in the ranks of the opposition stay the same whenever there is a change in positions. The French always maintain continuity in their power practice, regardless of their ideological backgrounds. Their counterparts in the Maghreb region, on the other hand, evaluate things based on “jealousy," which is hardly a common currency in the international market. Is all that not falling in the best interests of France and the Maghreb region in general? This does not deny the fact that the French have a guilt feeling whenever it comes to the Algerian issue. Because of cultural and ethical problems, the two countries have yet to build relations that are free of excuses. The guilt feeling often materializes in initiatives aiming at reaching out for help and opening a new page. In parallel, the Moroccans blame their French friends for failing to be fair to them at all times. Would it not be better for the Algerian and Moroccan decision makers to take an initiative in order to achieve what the French failed or did not want to achieve? This question comes from the fact that the achievement of a greater agreement between the two neighboring countries cannot be distanced from defining common interests. Such a choice will neither upset nor completely please the French. However, it will force them to take the matter into consideration. At least, Paris will not be worried when hearing about a common language between Rabat and Algiers. Indeed, Paris has tried the option of the Union for the Mediterranean, in the hope that it will restore solidarity and harmony. Meanwhile, Algeria and Morocco are still longing for the revival of the stumbling Maghreb Union. This tendency gains an increasing strategic importance due to the fact that Europe always reverts to the Southern breathing space whenever things go bad, just like the Maghreb capitals always reach out for the European support. Balance will not be a new chapter. This is just another aspect of continuation. However, now that it seems that co-existing with this balance is not enough and that it cannot answer all the unanswered questions, the two concerned countries must proceed to developing it. This takes the blame off Paris' shoulders, as long as the distance between Oujda and Oran is much smaller than the distance by plane between Paris and Rabat or Algiers. Time in turn has an unchanging influence, even if the dates do change.
