The second face of the decisions and measures of the Israeli government to escalate the settlement activities is reflecting itself on the current preparations to convene the Fatah Movement conference. The inter-Palestinian conflict has deteriorated and turned into a sort of disputes and rivalries between two kids. The first kid would say to the second: Leave my supporters arrive to Bethlehem so I release your detained elements in the West Bank. The second kid would answer: No, you first release my detained supporters in your jails so I allow your delegates to participate in your conference. It goes without saying that Benjamin Netanyahu's government would not have taken measures to remove the Palestinian identity and wipe out the memory, let alone changing the features of the location, if there had been a minimum level of Palestinian coherence, and the Arab one consequently. The irony is that the misfortune of the Palestinians brought on them an American administration that is willing to listen to their point of view, while they are at the peak of their disputes and after the Palestinian cause lost most of the international support and sympathy, which it used to enjoy a decade ago. Regardless of the immense and coordinated efforts made by governments on one hand, and the Israeli security and military forces on the other, to weaken the Palestinian forces that declare themselves responsible for the national cause, the Palestinian internal situation highlights flaws that are no less dangerous than the Israel attempts to siege and isolate the Palestinians and their cause. The Palestinian situation is worse than what late President Yasser Arafat called “the democracy of guns”, which is defined as the right of every armed faction to seize a part of the “cake” of the financial and political revolution, as a result of the de facto situation and most importantly, of this faction's affiliation with an Arab regime that helps it dominate the Palestinian arena. In return, this regime would gain the legitimacy to endlessly rule country through claiming that it is working to liberate Palestine via this loyalist armed faction. Despite the silliness of this situation, the weakness of its components and the absence of seriousness in the behavior and actions of its “stars”, it is still considered better than the current Palestinian split, which is leading to intertwined divisions within each of the factions and groups. Perhaps, the poor wisdom of the Hamas leaders made them give the Fatah leaders a a pass to cross the Gaza Strip into Egypt (and from there to Bethlehem). Fatah's command will certainly manipulate this pass to reinforce the backbone of the collapsing organization, rather than leaving the contradictions within Fatah continue. The sufferings of the ruling party on the Palestinian arena are deep and serious. The bubble triggered by Farouk Kaddoumi's talk about a conspiracy between Israel, the US and Palestine conspiracy to assassinate Arafat, was not bigger than the major obstacles that prevent a critical revision of the internal organizational situation – since Fatah's defeat in the legislative elections in 2006 and Hamas' seizure of the Gaza Strip in 2007. The dispersion of the blocs and forces on one hand, and the conflicts whose motives range from personal factors to future political choices, on the other, are all factors that render any settlement, brought about by the sixth conference of the movement, a temporary one that holds its ruinous elements from within, especially since the spectrum of the crisis extends from the leadership to all the bases, with no exceptions. What has been announced regarding the maneuvers of the recent days and hours does not promote the belief that Fatah has found a remedy for its problems, namely the partnership that exists between the “historical” leaders and the less historical ones who lack comprehensive vision for the Palestinian future, aside from the slogan of the independent s
