Around four decades later, the long-time comrades of the Moroccan Independence Party realized that the division that hit the organization between some leftist and some conservative parties has left some deep scars in the political scene. The only party that benefitted from this division consisted of the men on the other side of the camp, which was not very happy with the monopolization of the political power by the National Movement during the era preceding the independence. Since then, parties and organizations were established with the aim of pressuring those elements belonging to the national line. When the 1962 constitution was installed, it prohibited the one-party rule, thus creating a fertile ground for the establishment of some pro-government partisan entities. This turned the country's modern history into a conflict under the cloak of the political legitimacy. Strangely, the conservative wing of the Independence Party sided by the government in the face of the opposition, which was then led by the National Union, the party that broke away from the mother party. Regardless of whether this was an act of vengeance against the old comrades of the mother party, the National Union would soon discover that the promises of democratic normalization were mere bubbles, specifically since the announcement of the state of emergency. Thus, the return to the sources was launched by reviving the agreement with the old comrades. After a bitter process, this was topped with a greater agreement with the Palace at the end of the 1990s. Historical facts are not only depicted through books and events. These facts rather continue to take place through revised, distorted or cloned versions depending on the developments. Thus, the crisis that is currently lived by the Independence Party might indicate nothing more than an explosion of the internal conflicts in the context of the power wars. It could also represent nothing more than one of the difficult moments that any political organization may go through when dealing with issues of succession. However, this crisis cannot go by without some repercussions on the level of the traditional party's structure as this party is trying to preserve its unity and cohesion no matter what; or on the level of the possible outcomes of this crisis and its reflections on the general political situation in the country. This is not the first time when the Independence Party is breaking away from its alliance with the Socialist Union. This was also the case in the 1980s. Back then, the former comrades confronted each other on the backdrop of stormy civil strife. In paradox, the two central unions that were closest to the two parties played the largest part in their political reconciliation, knowing that the rapprochement between the two entities had originally started on the level of the unions and then took a partisan aspect. History must serve to revive one's memory and to awaken the political senses. Who would have imagined that the structure that the two parties built so carefully on the road of democratic transition would come to a crossroads just because the two parties lost the prime ministry? Who would have imagined that the emergence of the Justice and Development party as a main player would modify the alliances that were always considered to be strategic? Allal al-Fassi, the historic leader of the Independence Party, once said that his alliance with the National Unity is a “catholic marriage" where divorce is not possible. That was back in different era. The death of Allal al-Fassi represented a new kind of separation. However, the Independence partisans are not the only ones to blame. The Socialist Union also thought that it would be better to return to the opposition side rather than keep on being an un-influential part of the governmental scene. However, it is sometimes better to follow unclear politics than to try to keep up with some other politics. The failures and problems lived by the Socialist Union ever since the resignation of its historic leader, Abdel Rahman al-Youssefi, was certainly unexpected. The union that once formed the party's strong social arm is no longer the same. Its youth organizations also suffered to a large extent; and nothing indicates that its former ally, the Independence party, will be able to overcome its current crisis with no complications. The parties in Morocco are in dire need for some fresh elites, ideas, and working on a methodology. This implies that this kind of crisis may be useful and short-lived. In reality, the aspired-for change is the outcome of a consensual interaction rather than the pressures that have nothing to do with the party's decisions guided by the dialogue with the popular bases. This is beyond the days and the weeks required for the formation of any cabinet, since the Independence and the Socialist Union were once part of the opposition. For them to pull away from their historic identity is unacceptable. The two parties should come up with new equations in order to assert that they are not just like the other parties, whose establishment and circumstances they have often criticized. Therefore, regardless of the outcome of the Sunday voting, the crisis of the Independence party will undoubtedly have repercussions on the country's political situation on the short and middle terms. The solution seems extremely easy and accessible. Morocco can proceed forward without paying much attention to this wave of passing crises. However, democracy cannot thrive without democratic parties. Perhaps the reason why the country has gone through so many difficulties is because some sides had thought that the political parties may walk with the help of prosthetic crutches. However, the democratic race cannot accommodate wooden legs even with the use of muscle stimulants. These stimulants cannot flow except through natural veins.
