President Nicolas Sarkozy and his rival, Francois Hollande, are not the only two parties competing for the Elysée. There are other capitals, mostly in the North African region, that are awaiting the outcomes of the heated political confrontation and that want to see the voting ballots tip in this or that direction. The democracy of power validation is now working in the country of Montesquieu to the rhythm of programs and choices that undo the ennui and renew the elites, along with hopes that would go on to shape the features of the external policies. On the Maghreb level, this validation consists of determining which of Paris's former colonies will be at an advantage. The commercial and economic figures indicate that France's power has not regressed and that its prestige goes beyond the political dimensions, and well into the depths of the financial and commercial worlds. The North African countries have not yet found another interlocutor with the same French specifications despite having tried, in several instances, to leap over the barriers that had caused the North African economic affairs to be more connected to France than to anyone else. The Maghreb people breathe French air. Historical and cultural facts have served to maintain the attraction and interaction among the elites. Even Libya, which never came under French colonization but rather under Italian dominance, found itself, during the battle to overthrow Colonel Gaddafi, closer to the French rulers' tendencies. Only Sarkozy broke the rule and went to Tripoli when he realized that France must expand beyond its traditional space. Indeed, a local reality has imposed itself on everybody. Perhaps Sarkozy decided to overcome the border barriers. Thus, he re-invented the Middle Eastern and North African structure under the cloak of the Union for the Mediterranean. Next to this French feature, the Maghreb has an attraction for France that differs from one capital to the other. In Rabat, the attraction is at its best. In Algeria, bilateral relations are oscillating between the historic hatred on one hand and the hesitation and mutual blame on the other hand. The French political class is mostly concerned about the skirmishes that maintained their momentum despite all the efforts aiming at decreasing them. Mentioning Algeria and digging into the history of the French colonization is sufficient to stir strong sentiments. The same goes for Mauritania, which is using the French winds as a standard in order to monitor the power balances. As for Tunisia, it seems to be ridding itself from the Ben Ali complex and re-building new bases for the post-revolution phase both on the local and external levels. Similarly, the Maghreb Sahel extension to the south of the Sahara is also concerned with Paris's position following the election of a new president. Indeed, even as France has left its traditional power centers, its effect is still being strongly felt. No major changes have taken place when it comes to the French politics vis-à-vis the countries of the southern Mediterranean bank. The plan for the Union for the Mediterranean, which Sarkozy deemed a historic achievement aiming at pushing these countries to reshape new relations between their conflicting sides, was not actually translated into tangible measures except for maintaining the periodical meetings of the 5+5 groups, which mostly revolve around security issues. But France is no longer the only player in the game. Other European sides, such as Spain and Italy have stepped in. The American openness was also large and it was not restricted by cultural bonds in light of the increasingly important role played by America since the end of the Cold War. However, America's ability to compete on the external level is still weaker than that of France. Meanwhile, China and Russia have also occupied a prominent place on the strategic level. The fact that the Maghreb countries' relationships with the European Union represent a strategic project is a factor that pushes these countries to closely monitor French developments. Anyone who fails to obtain Paris's support in the sphere of European partnership will be the victim of despair. Socialist Candidate Hollande might have refused Turkey's accession to the European Union in order to gain the support of the Maghreb countries, especially when the emigrant communities in France have started to raise the concern of the French politicians regarding the issue of emigration. There are new generations of Maghreb people who obtained the French nationality. These generations are sometimes accepting, and some other times rebellious and angry vis-à-vis the politics of their host country. Indeed, these generations only see themselves within the place where they grew up. However, their feelings for their original countries are never gone. Therefore, the eyes of the Maghreb people are glued to the voting ballots in order to monitor the resulting votes. Had all this concern been expressed on a vertical level, would the situation of the Maghreb region have been the same as it is now? This is just a question.
