It is not strange, after decades of autocracy, nominal democracy and the absence of state institutions, for “basics” to be reestablished in Egypt. Most surprising is the way Egyptian media outlets have been dealing with issues of alliance or coordination between political parties and forces, as if they were committing a crime or doing something unethical, or even illegal! It is true that this is the first time in decades that parliamentary elections in Egypt produce MPs that have reached Parliament by the people's true will, regardless of the wishes of the authorities in power. Yet it is also evident for the forces represented in Parliament to enter into discussions and debates, and to strike deals in order to define the path taken by political work in the post-elections phase. This happens in every country in the world that knows democracy, and it must happen in Egypt after the Revolution. It is also quite natural for the Muslim Brotherhood's political party, which earned a substantial share of seats but not the absolute majority, to seek to form a coalition in Parliament with one or more political parties, in order to ensure passing the laws which it believes to be best for the country and its citizens, and to secure a majority that would ensure fulfilling the duty of monitoring the executive apparatus. On the other hand, it is only logical for secular forces, opposed to Islamists in general and to the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists in particular, to seek to prevent the Islamists from monopolizing the parliamentary majority, and try to form a coalition of which the number of members would exceed half the seats in Parliament. If they fail to do so, forming a front opposed to the Islamists within Parliament becomes legitimate, since the stance taken by these forces is in the first place opposed to that of the Islamists. And there is no shame in the numerically largest parliamentary bloc offering MPs from a certain political party some privileges, such as positions in parliamentary committees or even ministerial portfolios, in exchange for joining the coalition. In fact, two parliamentary blocs may compete to attract independent or partisan MPs in order to increase their parliamentary base, so as to ensure a stable coalition, and one that would not be exposed to collapse if MPs belonging to any party were to withdraw from it as a result of political conflict or of a dispute dictated by circumstances. It is within such a framework that one can understand the contacts and discussions taking place between Egyptian political forces today, especially as they are all participating in building a new political system for Egypt after the Revolution. Indeed, the matter does not stop at the usual parliament business, but also extends to drafting the constitution and forming the government cabinet, if the parliamentary or mixed system is ratified, and there is no shame in a liberal party allying itself with an Islamist one, or in a socialist or leftist party joining the liberal bloc, as long as none of the MPs have to sacrifice their political convictions. Certainly the return of the Wafd Party to the democratic coalition led by the Freedom and Justice Party (affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood) will reduce the fears of other liberal parties that reject any form of collaboration with the Islamists, while at the same time contributing to rein in Muslim Brotherhood MPs, if they believe themselves to be the most powerful, as such power would be threatened and such influence weakened if the Wafd Party were to leave the coalition. It is noteworthy that the electoral race has proved the failure of the means used by secular forces to achieve victory or to convince the masses of voters not to vote for the Islamists. It will thus not be useful for these forces to continue using the same methods to compete within Parliament. Indeed, using the method of the “scarecrow” to frighten citizens from the Muslim Brotherhood or the Salafists did not prevent the Islamists from winning the elections in a landslide, and it would be better now for secular forces to examine their mistakes, emphasize their positive qualities and their programs, and move beyond playing on their rivals' shortcomings. As for the Islamists, they now face a difficult choice, as the methods they have been using for decades while they were in the opposition are not suitable with them having become the majority in Parliament or in government. It is true that the street remains inflamed for several reasons, but the performance of political forces in power or in the opposition in the coming phase will not only be determined by whether Egypt heads towards prosperity or failure, but they will also reveal the real political sway of those forces, over which there are still doubts with regard to the extent to which they represent the street and the people. Certainly the behavior of all political forces on the issue of the constitution will either earn them the support of the masses of the people, or expose them and increase the distance between them and the revolutionary forces that remain angry and motivated against all those they consider to have abandoned the Revolution and moved to seeking after their share of its cake, regardless of the fact that the democratic process in only taking its first steps. Indeed, when the people came out in a revolution, they sought to topple the regime, not to reproduce it, even if with figures that used to oppose the regime which is supposed to have been… toppled.
