Inasmuch as the visit of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to the countries of the Arab Spring (Egypt, Tunisia and Libya) has received the attention of governments, it has also been met with considerable popular attention, reflected in the way the popular political elites in the three countries have welcomed the man and voiced their appreciation of his policies and of his person. Similarly, those considered to be part of the three revolutions have made sure to accept his invitation to meet him, talk to him, learn about his impressions of the Egyptian Revolution, and understand his view of the Turkish experience. During his visit to Egypt, completing the state of political alignment, political forces competed to make Erdoğan part of the solution to Egypt's post-revolutionary problems, not just out of admiration for the Turkish model under Erdoğan, but also out of esteem for the man's stances in numerous forums (the Davos conference being a prime example, or his reaction to the Israeli army's attack against the Freedom Flotilla, for instance, and recently his decision to recall Turkey's ambassador to Israel). In comparison with Egyptian stances on similar events, the difference seemed clear, and wishes emerged for an Egyptian political system that would be similar to that of Turkey, as well as for behavior by the Egyptian government closer to that of Erdoğan and the stances he has taken. Yet what is noteworthy is the struggle, coinciding with the visit, between Secularists and Islamists over using Erdoğan himself as an asset in the competition between the two sides over defining the political future of Egypt. Indeed, the Islamists, and most prominently the Muslim Brotherhood, have sought to reassure people that one of them reaching the head of government is something that should not frighten anyone, and that the notions being promoted against the Brotherhood are entirely misplaced – evidence of this being Erdoğan, whose party is considered, in one way or another, to be a branch of the “Brotherhood tree” spread across the world. As for the opposing camp, it has found its target in Erdoğan's talk of secularism, as well as his interpretation and acceptance of it, despite his assertions that he is not a secularist, that the Turkish state is secular, and that what is meant by the term is not driving people to be irreligious, but rather maintaining the state at an equal distance from all religions in society. Our friends sought to suggest that “Brotherhood-like” Erdoğan was not an Islamist as Egyptian Islamists were, and that the man had adopted an ideology opposed to the ideas of Egypt's Brotherhood, despite his affiliation to it. And between those two camps, there are those who were “bedazzled” by Erdoğan's charisma, and dealt with him as if he were the character “Muhannad”, the main protagonist of the famous Turkish soap opera “Noor” (Gümüş), focusing on his clothes, the way he speaks, his eyes and his body language, exactly as they had been bedazzled in following the moves of Turkish actor Kıvanç Tatlıtuğ, who plays the character of “Muhannad” in the series. Following the impressions voiced by such people about the man on social media websites reveals the extent of their grief at not having their own “Muhannad” to rule them, even if he is an Islamist! Yet what is even more striking is the reaction of those who subscribe to the “conspiracy theory”, a group that brings together Islamists and Secularists, who reached the conclusion that Erdoğan was an envoy from the West sent to destroy Arab culture and to establish a different model, one that does not agree with the circumstances, history and culture of the Arabs! Some members of this group have denounced Erdoğan's statements on secularism, considering them to depart from principles he is supposed to be following and to overstep red lines which the Islamists have drawn for themselves. As for the Secularists among them, they considered the issue to be one of deception, reaching the conclusion that the man was using specific terms merely to reassure them and to reduce the fears of Egyptians towards the Muslim Brotherhood, and was displaying tolerance and acceptance in order to change the well-entrenched mental image some Egyptians have about Islamists. These are the same doubts that each camp has in mind about the others, and Erdoğan and his visit were not spared. The search for a model for the future has kept busy those who were interested in Erdoğan's visit, and it would have been sufficient to read about the man's history and his biography for all of them to clearly see that he is one of Necmettin Erbakan's students, but has been smarter and managed to head the government without being deposed by the military, as was his teacher before him. He is committed to a constitution set down by Atatürk for a secular state, but has nevertheless made use of every possible space to express his ideas, and is implementing his policies without being accused of violating this constitution. Egyptian politicians have agreed and disagreed about Erdoğan's visit and about his person. They were kept busy searching for his intentions, exactly as they are busy shaping their state of the future, away from substance or by uselessly exhausting forces. There are today in Egypt roughly 36 political parties, most of which Egyptians are not as familiar with as they are with Erdoğan, or even with…“Muhannad”.
