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The Maghreb Union and the Libyan Crisis
Published in AL HAYAT on 19 - 06 - 2011

When the Moroccans discovered a Libyan arsenal as well as many printouts of the “Green Book” destined to be used in their country, they dismissed the joint commitments in the framework of the Moroccan-Libyan unity treaty. The discovery meant that Colonel Muammar Gaddafi had denied his pledges and failed to modify his ways. He also failed to realize that such oddly structured unity between a royal regime and a non-classified one was helping to draw the Libyans into the square of normalization with the world.
This was a lost chance, similarly to the historical events that are very often built on the ruins of the losses. The late King Hassan II had to put up with a lot of blame from the part of the Americans, Europeans, and the Arab capitals which did not like this alliance. However, he insisted on placing the ball once again in front of an empty net goal. He instructed Gaddafi to score in the name of the big fusion with the Maghreb structure. However, the regional union collapsed before realizing the intense need for it as a strategic need.
One of the clauses of the founding treaty of the Maghreb union indicated that any attack against any country will be deemed an attack against all its partners in the Maghreb union. And although the preamble was created at a time where no one had imagined that Gaddafi's republic will suffer from additional pressure and asphyxiation as a result of an externally supported internal intifada, the capacity to extrapolate events - which is considered to be one of the features of the political futuristic vision – was lacking. In addition, pushing towards the democratization of the region and reviving the hopes of its people in brotherhood and stability were lacking and they were replaced by the monopolization of power and decision making in addition to concerns about despotism.
All the founders of the Maghreb Union are gone. The Mauritanian Muawiya Ould Taya was overthrown through a military coup that was quickly covered in a civil attire designed in a democratic manner as much as possible. The Algerian Chadli bin Jadid was forced to tender his resignation as he was unable to arrange for moving towards the space of plurality and openness in light of the estrangement of the Islamic movements. As for the Tunisian Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, his fate was closer to a shock, as he had been blind and deaf to what surrounds him.
This also applies to Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who has failed to admit that half of his decisions were erroneous and the other half were unnecessary since they were against the current. When King Hassan II died, he had feelings of frustration for failing to implement the idea of the Maghreb union. This idea is still there, and it constitutes a strategic need as it might absorb the challenges of the region in case of availability of a political will, the dismissal of differences, and listening to the beat of the Street, which aspires to freedom and dignity.
There is no room for comparison with the GCC, which was able to impose a wiser and more realistic vision in dealing with the Bahraini crisis without neglecting the will of the concerned country with the reforms and aspirations. The situation of the Libyan regime in the Western part of the Arab world is different. In addition, the Tunisian experience got rid of its burdens with some pain and a lot of patience. Remarkably, the institution of the Maghreb union remained unconscious not only because it was stumbling and weak, but also because the development of the events took it by surprise and it was unable to deal with them.
The Europeans also had their experiences with the changes that hit the old fortress of the eastern camp. They knew how to attract the countries that had left the dark era into the atmosphere of the European Union. The members of the union doubled in size since its efficiency is connected to its expansion, and this turned it into an economic, military and political power. However, the Maghreb Union had failed prior to the arrival of the wind of change. Thus, it must now rise from its fall. It has had the chance to arm itself with new concepts and practices that form the real dimensions of solidarity between the populaces.
Nothing changed in the march of the Maghreb Union, which has stopped at the launching line. This is another clue to the continuation of the logic of retreat and seclusion. The Union must re-announce its existence by trying its luck in finding a solution to the Libyan crisis. Indeed, it is more likely to understand this crisis and to suffer from its repercussions. However, it is less likely to carry out any initiative because, similarly to other sides, it has opted for hiding in the “waiting room”.


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