I believe that Gaddafi's Libya exists only so that the Lebanese, amid their political, economic and social crises, can say “Thank God we're not Libya”. And I believe that the Kuwaiti parliament exists only so that the Lebanese can look at their parliament, which is synonymous to failure, and say, “At least we don't have the Kuwaiti parliament”. I speak about Gaddafi's Libya and the Parliament of Kuwait evasively, because, after a long stay abroad, I now follow up Lebanese politics but do not understand it, or get lost in its details. Yesterday, General Michel Aoun attacked once again President Michel Sleiman and Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati, accusing them of delaying, or obstructing the formation of the cabinet. However, the General is now in a position to demand half of the cabinet portfolios exactly because the president had postponed the parliamentary consultations beyond their initial date, giving time for a new parliamentary majority to form. This would not have happened in the first place were it not for the fact that Najib Mikati and some of Tripoli's MPs switched sides. And yet, Aoun attacks Suleiman and Mikati! I also read a statement by MP Fadi al-Awar, member of the Change and Reform Bloc, in which he said that Mikati has to resign if he fails because of compelling international or local calculations and circumstances. But in my opinion, the ‘Aounist' calculations and circumstances lead the way when it comes to obstructing the formation of the cabinet. But Walid Jumblatt is the reference point when it comes to switching sides and moving the rifle from one shoulder to another. His last position was that “it is no more logical that the Progressive Socialist Party continues to shore up the obstruction in the so-called new majority that failed miserably in forming a cabinet”. But does this mean that Walid Bek will reposition the rifle to his first shoulder, or does it mean that he will move it to a third one? I wonder, how many shoulders does he have? I find him to be in his positions like a pendulum, and perhaps he will one day tire and settle on one position once and for all. On the other hand, MP Mohammed Raad, leader of the Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc, has expressed the same position ever since I heard his name the first time. While I am with him in supporting Hezbollah against Israel (and my support is absolute whether the group hits or misses), I often get befuddled by his other statements. This week, he spoke about how many are placing hurdles in the path of the resistance and said, “But we continue to walk at a steady pace”. If we indeed did, however, we would have arrived in China by now. On the following day he said, “What Aoun is asking is his indisputable constitutional right”. I do dispute it, but I do not want to disagree with an MP in the resistance. But I want to ask, are there two constitutions in Lebanon, or is it that the constitution I know was amended or changed behind my back? The ongoing ministerial crisis could well put Lebanon in the Guinness Book of Records because Saad Hariri may become the first prime minister in the world to serve longer as a caretaker prime minister than a principal prime minister (this is unless Iraq beats us to this honor). In the meantime, several economic bodies have warned Speaker Nabih Berri of the impact of the ongoing political crisis on the productive sectors and the entire economy in Lebanon. But does the Speaker of the Parliament really need someone to remind him, when the deteriorating economy surrounds him from all sides? I wonder what could the man really do anyway, when it comes to economic solutions? France has also warned of the negative economic impact of the crisis on the Lebanese economy, and so did the March 14 Coalition. Again I ask, do we really need all these ‘experts' to warn us? I am already aware that there is an economic crisis in Lebanon from my residence in London. Perhaps the matter is that the reason for the continuation of the ministerial crisis is that everyone, including Najib Mikati, is waiting for the dust to settle in Syria. The Prime Minister-designate will be in a stronger position if he worked under a Saudi-Syrian understanding, instead of being on the side of one particular faction. If this happens, the ministers affiliated to the President, the Prime Minister and Jumblatt would have the vetoing third in the Council of Ministers, which is the third that Hezbollah calls the guaranteeing third when it is controlled by it. Ali Hassan Khalil and Hussein Khalil, who represent Amal and Hezbollah, went to Damascus for consultation and returned with three names for the post of Interior Minister, and I hope these names do not include that of the Syrian Interior Minister, because the problems we already have are more than enough. In the end, all the Lebanese can do is fast and pray, which reminds me of Patriarch Bishara al-Rai. I heard him pray to God and ask Him to awaken the consciences of the officials. However, this prayer assumes that these consciences exist at all, when they are instead in a deep slumber, or inexistent in the first place. Here, I say about Lebanon what Ibrahim Toukan said about Palestine: A country that is bought and sold, and yet we say how precious our country is! [email protected]
