Nothing has changed in Syria since the announcement of lifting the State of Emergency and abolishing the Supreme State Security Court (SSSC), not to say that things have gotten worse, on the background of the ongoing wave of protests that keeps growing, and the violent repression to which the protesters have been subjected. This means that intentions alone are no longer sufficient to calm the situation down and to head towards stability, without which the country could descend into darkness, just as verbal pledges, no matter their source, are no longer sufficient to restore trust between the regime and the protesters. Similarly, the official story about armed groups, Salafists, etc, is no longer in the interest of the regime in Syria. If one were to believe this story, by which the authorities justify not shifting to a new policy in dealing with demands of reform and instead continuing to exercise violent repression, it would represent evidence for the necessity of reconsidering the function of the security apparatus, after it failed miserably to confront such groups. Indeed, how can a country like Syria, one that is in a state of war with Israel, which is increasingly hostile and clings ever more to the occupied Golan, in addition to possessing nearly two dozen security agencies, not be able to detect armed groups, the members of which climb to rooftops in several cities simultaneously and begin opening fire against protesters and security forces? Does this not mean that such groups, regardless of how they are characterized by the authorities, are organized, armed and equipped for such planned-out practices? And how do the authorities not dismiss all of the heads of the security apparatus, who have kept people's breathing in check for decades and yet display such an extent of incompetence in exposing these groups, arresting their members and publicly prosecuting them? None of this has happened because there simply are no such organized groups, and because their story justifies the failure to resolve the issue of the demands of reform, and if this truth is not recognized, then none of the verbal announcements will lead to calming things down. It is true that there are domestic opponents of the current Syrian regime, and the loyalties of those opponents range from radical Islamist movements to extremist Leftist movements. It is also true that there are outside of Syria those who wish to change the regime in Damascus. Yet, at the same time, it is true that the weakness currently suffered by this regime is connected to the narrow space of its base, and the fact that such a base has shrunk over time. Also true is the fact that the majority of Syrians who are demanding reform wish to avoid the spread of violence, because they realize how dangerous the outbreak of such violence would be. They also wish for smooth and peaceful reform, and this alone can save the country from a bloodbath. Those Syrians are the base to which the Syrian regime should restore its trust and gain to its side in order to broaden its own base, and without which it cannot face the radical fundamentalists whom it says are threatening the country's unity. The Syrian regime has throughout the past decades been able to provide itself with a popular base to a certain degree, by virtue of a veiled agreement with the cities' traders. Yet this alliance is today facing a tremendous challenge, and there is no guarantee that it can be maintained without new segments of society joining it, segments that have been harmed for decades by the monopoly of power and of the economy. Furthermore, seriously heading towards reform in any manner should be based on the political conviction that it is necessary for new segments of society to join power, and that is a conviction that can only be asserted by immediately revoking the articles of the constitution that ensure such monopoly, and by launching real political pluralism that would allow for free and transparent expression by all constituents of Syrian society. It is still possible for the Syrian regime to start a process of reform, despite the slogan of protesters, “the people want to overthrow the regime”. But this would require the courage to admit to the current state of affairs in Syria, which is no longer what it was years ago, the courage to take the initiative of truly reforming the political system and the exercise of power, and the courage to accept the participation of other political constituents in power.
