Since the beginning of the week, cities in France have witnessed street demonstrations called for by workers unions, to express popular discontent about amendments President Nicholas Sarkozy intends to introduce in order to reform France's finances. More importantly, the protests are an expression of anxiety about a profound social crisis in the country. Sarkozy and his government face the option of retreating from the fight to amend a retirement law that must be amended, because, as Sarkozy says, if it is not reformed, the French people will be unable to fund their children's retirement. The new retirement law, on which the French Senate will vote on Thursday, raises the retirement age from its current 60 to 62 in 2011. The reason for the popular anger is a mixture of economic conditions and the unemployment crisis, and discontent over a president whose popularity has dropped considerably, in leftist opposition circles and among his own supporters, for reasons having to do with his style of exercising power. However, Sarkozy is right when he says that the reforms are required, because France's finances cannot continue in a deficit that will not permit guaranteeing the retirement of the French, as he says. Sarkozy's insistence on the need to reform is based on a wager that he can regain the support of groups that elected him on the basis of reforming France and convincing its people that the state of luxury to which the French people have long been accustomed cannot continue. However, unfortunately for Sarkozy, he wants to carry out reform at a time in which France is suffering from the global economic crisis, which has affected all European countries. Certainly, the popular discontent is a result of the poor economic situation, but it also expresses anger at the promises of a political class that has failed to keep them, and the focus on the French president, who has mistakenly, since the beginning of his term, placed himself in the forefront of decision-making. News items about Sarkozy's temperament and mercurial nature, along with his mistreatment of those close to him, have become frequent in the media, which usually notes his agitated manner. However, everyone acknowledges that the president is serious and energetic, and studies issues with precision. However, he does not abide long explanations, and has little patience. Sarkozy has erred with regard to his behavior with a people in revolt, unwilling to forgive its political class. Can he correct his strategy, so that he does not become the rightist president that returns the Socialists to power in 2012, when the next presidential elections take place? The question is being put forward, and the answer remains unclear. Sarkozy has pledged to reshuffle his Cabinet after the retirement reform law is passed, without saying whether he will replace his prime minister, Francois Fillon, as well. Everything is open to the possibility that popular discontent will rise. However, the fact is that Sarkozy is not the only French president who has faced such large-scale street protests. The most violent took place in May 1968, when General DeGaulle left the presidency. Another round took place in 1984, during the presidency of Francois Mitterand, who faced popular discontent in the street and saw the protests remove his first government, headed by Pierre Mauroy, bringing in Laurent Fabius. Jacques Chirac confronted his people's rejection of the European Constitution, which was in fact a referendum on Chirac himself. Saying that the demonstrations in France are a threat to Sarkozy's presidency would be a mistake. However, they might threaten a second term for him in the 2012 election, for which he has begun preparations. He must recover the popularity that he has lost among right-wing circles, which do not understand his policy of openness to the left and his appointment of Socialists as ministers and high-ranking public servants. However, the right, at the end of the day, will not support the Socialists' arrival in office; thus, Sarkozy can re-mobilize the right and correct his policies with his party, and unify it, since the Socialists are still divided, because of the different aspirations within the party with regard to running for president in 2012. There is Martine Aubry, the secretary general, who has been able to take control of the party, and the head of the International Monetary Fund, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, and the former secretary general of the party, Francois Hollande, and former presidential candidate Segolene Royal. The many Socialist candidates might be good news for the right.
