The attack by Spanish border police on a Moroccan citizen in occupied Melilla is not isolated from the repercussions of a political crisis. Neither Moroccans nor Spaniards, to differing degrees, want to call it by its true name, in order to avoid any possible deterioration in bilateral relations. The incident reveals some of the racist behavior that border police have deliberately carried out of late. The official protest by Rabat, through the summoning of the Spanish ambassador to the Foreign Ministry, represents the sending of a clear message: these actions have a political side to them. It is not the first time that Moroccan nationals are subjected to prejudice and arbitrary treatment in European countries. However, the situation with Spain appears to be different, particularly with regard to what takes place in the border crossings into occupied Ceuta and Melilla. When the Moroccan government's demands that Madrid enter negotiations over the future of the two cities become sharper, the Spanish authorities react tensely, and in hostile fashion, against Moroccan visitors. To the degree that Spain realizes that it is facing Moroccan popular demands, formulated by non-government figures, as popular groups adhere to classifying the cities as occupied, and has tried to limit the influence of this growing popular awareness, the Moroccan government has likewise protected its citizens who openly reject occupation, allowing official channels the freedom of initiative in formulating this policy. When the leader of Spain's People's Party, Mariano Rajoy, visited Ceuta and Melilla recently, Madrid did not say that the matter affected the stance by a party opposed to the government of Prime Minister Jose Luis Zapatero. It could have done so, to contain some of the embarrassment. However, it responded by saying the two cities were under Spanish sovereignty. Likewise, Rabat seems to have allowed popular voices to speak on its behalf, sending strong messages to the Spanish authorities. This does not mean the situation is out of control of the authorities, who alone can help calm things down and produce a suitable climate for launching a long dialogue, on how to end colonialism. However, this is a development that is now imposing itself. For one reason, the economy of the two cities will decline, if they are not preserved as a commercial outlet for the goods smuggled to Moroccan markets. For another reason, the authorities' focus on improving socio-economic conditions in the northern provinces, in parallel with the two occupied cities, will see them lose their commercial privileges; thus, the true battle between Spain and Morocco is taking place in new ways, which are different to what the Spanish have become accustomed. Only recently, the Spanish authorities appeared to be reassured that Rabat could not open a new front in the North, to confront Spain, since it had yet to settle the confrontation still raging in the South, over the Sahara. In fact, Spain believed that holding on to the Sahara issue, by giving the impression of having a balanced role in the framework of supporting the efforts of the United Nations, would bring it closer to the minds of Moroccans. However, it ignored the fact that the first violent confrontation between Spain and Morocco, during the rule of King Mohammad VI, was over the island of Laila, adjacent to occupied Ceuta, and this clash was only the beginning. At the time, the Moroccans realized that they had to behave differently in the struggle, which was taking place through socio- economic factors. The problem is that Madrid is aware of the change taking place in the areas surrounding the two occupied cities. However, they fail to realize that the situation of the two cities, whose strategic situation on the Mediterranean coast has disappeared, requires that a change be made: it is called recognizing historical facts, the logic of geography, and the inevitability of dialogue.
