Salaheddine welcomed me with a smile in his summer residence in Kurdistan, Iraq. I understood the message. It was as if he wanted to remind me of the difference between my current visit and a previous one I had made eight years ago, i.e. a few months before Saddam Hussein's regime was ousted. He wanted to say that the scene had changed, as it had indeed. During my first visit, I entered Iraq's Kurdistan via Syria, i.e. illegally. The region was in a state of rebellion against Saddam's regime, with its effective protection coming from the closed airspace region that prohibited Iraqi planes from assaulting the Kurds. I entered the region this time via the Erbil airport on an international flight. The region's legitimacy was not a matter for discussion anymore. It was born based on the Constitution, which stipulates that Iraq is a federal state. During my first visit, I was welcomed by Massoud Barzani, who clearly appeared concerned. He felt that war was approaching, and that it would lead to the uprooting of the regime. I should mention here that his calculations were correct, and his fears were justified. He said he was afraid there would be no rapid and convincing alternative to the Baath regime, and this could lead to deep trouble and violent clashes among the Iraqi constituents. He was talking about the Arabs, the Kurds, the Shias and the Sunnis. Many considered then that Barzani exaggerated with his fears. There are also those who considered that his words reflect wishes that would justify the isolation of the Kurds in their region. There are also those who considered that the sensitivities of the minorities are the result of their costly experiences. I remembered Barzani's words more than once when Baghdad drowned in its own blood, and when its districts witnessed displacement and purification operations, and there were even more corpses and rough practices by incoming and resident fighters. Massoud Barzani dares to think in a loud voice and publically announce his realistic interpretations and conclusions. His support of democracy does not prevent him from being aware that divisions can turn it into an opportunity to reveal the ripped parts. He said that Arabs voted for Arabs, Kurds voted for Kurds, Shias voted for Shias, and Sunnis voted for Sunnis. It is no secret that what is preventing the formation of the government is this deep schism in society and the mutual fear of its constituents, the old trust crisis, and the link between the rips and alliances or allegiances that go beyond the international borders. We are really in another Iraq. The single party is gone, and so is the historical leader who used to consider his presence as his country's effective guarantee and a translation of a mission that history entrusted him with. We are in an Iraq that is still reeling from its wounds, fears, and hopes. The desire of Iraqi politicians to deny the depth of sectarian conflicts is reminiscent of the desire of Lebanese politicians sometimes to conceal reality and facts. I carried a short question from Erbil to Sulaimaniyya: Are you happy to live in the region? I addressed the question to politicians and intellectuals, to the hotel staff where I stayed, and also to the drivers. The answer was that Kurds are happy to sleep in the region. They dream now of stability and prosperity. They talk about investments and the flow of companies. Eight years ago, the man who welcomed me talked about Halabja and his memories in the battles of the mountains. This time, he pointed out to the increase in the number of universities and hospitals and thousands of foreign companies, among which six hundred Turkish companies and hundreds of Iranian companies. The man said that he felt no wish to separate from a democratic and multiple Iraq and that geography had accustomed the Kurds on both pain and realism. I paused when he said that what took place after Saddam Hussein's demise showed that Iraqis want to live in an area that resembles them. They want a region inside Iraq, or something like it. He said that those who reject regions are those who dream of holding the whole country in their grip. He said that these “ambitions” are not an Iraqi disease, but rather a regional one. He gave many examples on the situation of the constituents in this or that country, and the concerns related to identity, culture, heritage, characteristics, and the right to make the future. Iraq's Kurds compete, fight, exchange accusations and more in their region, but they do not hide their relief at what has been achieved. They sleep under the region's flag, which is hoisted right next to Iraq's flag at the entrance of the headquarters of the region's chief.
